Marketing Mix Essay

Product refers to the creation or design of a good or service. It is here that the process begins in the life of a product. In this part of the marketing mix the design is made, the name is created, and even the packaging of the good is decided upon. This is where a product needs to be created in a way that makes the product marketable for its intended target. (Manktelow, 2013) Place is the process in when it is decided where the product is going to be sold and how the product will be distributed. Many questions are answered in this part of the process such as â€Å"Where do buyers look for this product? , â€Å"What channels of distribution should be used? †, â€Å"Do we need to use a sales force, attend trade shows, or send samples to companies? †, and â€Å"What are competitors doing? † (Manktelow, 2013) For example, a company producing power tools would not want to distribute their goods in a boutique. The intended customer base is not likely going to be found here. The correct distribution would be in a store where power tools are sold like Home Depot. While having a great product is important, you need to get it to the consumer in the most efficient manner. Price is where the value of the product is determined. Pricing is just as important as the product itself. No matter how great a product is, it needs to be priced so that consumers will be willing to purchase it and so that it will make a profit that is worth investing in. Pricing also can offer a chance to get a leg up on the competition. In order to gain an advantage in market share a company may decide to price their product slightly lower than their competitor’s price. (Manktelow, 2013) Promotion is how a company creates their promotional strategy, advertising, and public relations. Promotion is extremely important in making the consumer aware of the product. It is also very important that the promotional strategy is aimed at the target audience. (Manktelow, 2013) For example, to promote a new basketball shoe advertising could be created featuring a professional basketball player and the product could be heavily advertised during basketball games on television when the intended audience is going to be watching the game. PayPal, Inc. is a payment processor that operates primarily in processing payments on the internet. In 2010 PayPal began to push a new motto of â€Å"Anytime, Anywhere, Anyhow†. PayPal was taking their online payment services and moving them into the physical world. In order to achieve this PayPal began pushing their mobile payment services to develop products that would help to achieve this vision. PayPal required a product that would allow people to truly use PayPal anywhere at any time. In 2012 PayPal launched PayPal Here. PayPal here is a product that connects to a smartphone to allow merchants to accept credit card payments wherever their business may take them. To allow buyers the convenience of using PayPal anywhere, PayPal revamped the PayPal Mobile App. The PayPal Mobile App allows a person to send funds at any time using their smartphone. Whether it is sending money to a friend or paying for an item on eBay, the PayPal Mobile App allows buyers to use their PayPal account without having to be in front of their computer. The other product PayPal created for both merchants and for buyers is PayPal’s in-store checkout. In December of 2011 PayPal partnered with The Home Depot to unveil this new product and feature. Customers of the Home Depot no longer need to bring their wallet to the store with them. By simply entering their mobile number and PIN number they can pay with their PayPal account. Upon checking out the customer receives a text message and email receipt of their purchase. This video demonstrates the PayPal in-store checkout process. http://www. youtube. com/watch? feature=player_detailpage&v=Q8P9qT9EIVk PayPal’s placement of the product was not as complicated as many companies selling a product like a hammer or shoes. The PayPal Here product is a way to use the PayPal Here service. Customers simply have to go to the PayPal website or PayPal Here App and request the PayPal here dongle. It is sent to the customer at no cost because the value is in the customer accepting payments using the PayPal Here service. This benefits PayPal in that they do not have to deal with major distribution channels in getting their product into the right store. They simply need to ship the product to the customer that asks for it off of the PayPal website. PayPal has structured their pricing to remain ahead of their primary competitor Square. PayPal charges 2. 7% per transaction to receive payments using the PayPal Here product. Square has a similar product and charges 2. 75% per transaction. The cost of the phone attachment for PayPal Here is free. This has allowed PayPal to keep up with their competitor. In order to effectively market this product PayPal needed to have a price that at least met that of their competitor in order to get people to use the product. PayPal decided to charge slightly less than their competitor in order to gain customers new to this technology and to sway some customers away from Square. Had the service not been available through a competitor, PayPal’s pricing may have been different. Having a price that meets or beats the competition shows that PayPal is marketing their product to not just to customers new to accepting mobile payments, but to those that are already accepting them which expands the market they are targeting. PayPal also offers other types of services other than just accepting payments on a mobile phone which creates more value for potential customers. PayPal has launched aggressive marketing campaigns through email and through banners on their website. PayPal has never advertised their products on television or radio and they did not start with the launch of PayPal Here. PayPal announced PayPal Here at a media event and let the media spread the word along with the advertising occurring through email and on the PayPal website. This helps PayPal save money in advertising and promotion while still promoting their product efficiently. PayPal’s intended targets for PayPal Here are small businesses and people who sell at events like trade shows, service (lawn care, plumbing, etc. ) who would like to be able to give their customers more options to pay for their services. The marketing mix is an effective way to help successfully market a product or service. It addresses every aspect that is needed in order to successfully prepare a product to be launched. The four P’s work together to help a company provide the consumer with what they want, get the product to the consumer that demands the product, sells at a price that benefits the company and the consumer, and will promote the product to the right audience. Without the proper use of the marketing mix a product could easily fail. A company could design a new product that may seem great, but if they do not market the product correctly the right people will not see it, buy it, or be aware of it. Without the sales, the life of a product can be short lived because of ineffective marketing. PayPal has shown an effective use of the marketing mix. PayPal identified a consumer need, PayPal designed a product and service that would meet the needs of the consumer, PayPal found an efficient way to deliver the product and service to the customer, PayPal provided a price that was slightly better than the price of their competitor to gain a market advantage, and PayPal effectively used word of mouth promotion and promotion through their own website to make consumers aware of this new innovative product that can meet their needs. It has been effective use of the marketing mix that has helped PayPal remain on top of the online payment processing world.

The Movie 50 First Dates

50 First Dates is a great romantic comedy starring Adam Sandler and Drew Barrymore. In this movie Adam Sandler name is Henry Roth; and Drew Barrymore play Lucy. Henry is a veterinarian and a bachelor who lives in Hawaii. Henry spends every night with a different tourist with no-strings attached until he meets Lucy. Lucy is a special girl; very different from others. When Henry and Lucy met for the first time they immediately started to like each other. There was only one problem. They made plans to meet at the diner the next morning and when they did Lucy couldn’t remember anything from the previous day. Henry didn’t know about her condition until Lucy’s mom best friend told him; he was very confused. She told him about the car accident that Lucy and her father had been in. Lucy’s father had a few broken ribs and Lucy suffers from short-term memory loss and doesn’t know. In order to keep Lucy from finding out about her condition her family and friends prepare the next day like it was the day of her accident. Her brother and father have this routine where they would place the same newspaper as the day of the accident outside on the front porch, repaint the walls, play this movie of the same football game and rewrap the gift Lucy gave her father for his birthday. The day of the accident was Lucy’s father birthday and they were going to pick out a pineapple; that was a family tradition. Once Henry found out everything he would try his best to get Lucy to remember things about her life as well as him. Everyday Lucy would do the exact same thing; however one day Lucy got a ticket from a police officer because of an expired tag, Lucy was very confused. Because she couldn’t understand how a year had gone by and she didn’t know. Although Lucy family tried to keep her from being hurt they had to continue to tell her the truth. This time her father showed her the photos of the car accident and from when she was in the hospital, they also took her to the hospital to talk with her doctor. They had done this numerous times before, but she still didn’t remember, so Henry started making her these videos about her life hoping that she would start to remember things. Even though she couldn’t remember anything the videos were a therapeutic way of helping her to keep track of everything going on in her life. Lucy’s interactions with others made them feel special; especially Henry, the love of her life. Henry had fallen madly in love with Lucy but she couldn’t understand why he would want to devote his life mainly to making her happy when he had a life of his own. Although Henry had goals and responsibilities of his own he couldn’t imagine his life without Lucy. She had a way of making him feel wanted and needed. The way others interacted with Lucy was in a more protective way. No one wanted to see Lucy hurt; particularly family and friends. 50 First Dates was a great comedy; I really enjoyed this movie, still I couldn’t help but to think about the seriousness of Lucy’s condition. It makes me very sad knowing that there’re people in this world living with this condition and there’s nothing doctors can do about it. I’ve watched movies about different psychological issues, but I would have to say that I think short-term memory loss or memory loss period is the worse. We all have times where we forget things but nothing like people that actually suffers from this condition. I don’t what I would do if I were in this situation. I could only imagine how difficult it would be to not be able to remember anything. It has to be very frustrating to have your family and friends telling you about your life as if you weren’t the one living it. Placing myself in Lucy’s situation gives me a better understanding of what she went through and what many others with this condition go through every day of their lives. I am very empathetic for Lucy and others. Simply because people with short-term memory loss have to go through this and the sad part about it is that they don’t know.

Absolute And Relative Ethics Commerce Essay

Absolute And Relative Ethics Commerce Essay There are many approaches to ethics. I will briefly outline two types of theoretical approach to ethics and their implications: principle-based approaches, and character and relationship-based approaches. Principle-based approaches to ethics: It is important to understand this concept. This approach has often been based on two different ethical traditions – Kantianism and utilitarianism. Immanual Kant, was a German philosopher (1724-1804) in the eighteenth-century. He developed a theory of ethics. This approach to ethics is known as ‘deontological’ or duty-based. It plays a vital role in moral philosophy and also in professional ethics. ‘Persons’ are considered to have rational and self-determination – it means they are capable of making choices and acting upon them. For deontological ethics, the important thing isn’t the result or consequence of the action, but the action itself. If the action is wrong, in and of itself, then donâ€⠄¢t do it. This approach mainly has its focus on respect of the service user and also that he can make his own decisions. The main principles in this approach are to maintain confidentiality, obtain informed consent, no discrimination or offering misleading or false information. For Kant, it would be morally wrong to perform any action which is based on false information even though the end result is beneficial. According to this approach, we must all respect individual’s choices. Utilitarianism, on the contrary, is a teleological theory. It is particularly associated with two British philosophers, Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832) and John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) (Mill 1863/1972). Also known as the consequentialist theory of ethics. The main difference lies in the concept and it is in striking contrast as compared to the Kantian ethics. The moral worth (rightness or wrongness) of an action is said to lie in its consequences; hence if we have to decide if an action is right or wrong , we have to weigh pros and cons and also anticipate. According to this concept, if lying leads to good results, it would probably be good to lie. This theory relies on the fact that whether something is right or wrong depends on the result or end of that action. Theories that are interested in ends are called teleological. The name has originated from the Greek word for ‘end’ – telos. For a teleological ethical thinker, the end justifies the means. The believers of this theory argue that the rightness of an action is judged by the end it produces. In my opinion, people consider both types of ethical principles in making decisions. We have to make a judgment that ensures that we are looking at individual’s best interest or the welfare of the society at a bigger scale. Absolute and relative ethics Absolute ethics holds that there is one universal moral code which is final and applies equally to all men of all ages, and that changing situations or changing v iews make no difference whatsoever to this absolute moral code. Relative or relativistic ethics holds that the moral standard varies with different circumstances. There are so many cultural and religious differences and in some circumsatnces, it may be ethically correct to do certain things but in other situations it might be completely immoral. For example it is right for Muslim people to have four wives but for a Christian man this would be considered immoral.

Politics Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Politics - Research Paper Example Elements of democracy It is the most common form of government in the world of today. Democracy comes from two words, demos means â€Å"people† and cracy means â€Å"rule of†, so the word democracy means the rule of people. The authority to take decisions rests with the people of such a government. Democracy is considered as the best way to show equality and liberty among people in a society2. Modern democracies have a number of characteristics. They have elections and voting which gives equal rights to political power. They encourage equality by not discriminating one group over another. Democracies allow people to control political actions. It emphasizes on citizen participation3. Democracy can exist on a variety of levels such as local and international. Forms of democracy There are two basic forms of democracy; one being direct and the other representative4. Direct Democracy It is that form of democracy in which all of the citizens of a political organization jointl y make the decisions for that group. When a matter needs to be solved and a decision has to be taken, all the members sit together and vote in favour or against the matter. Example of a direct democracy is ancient Athens. They used to come together, debate on the issue and jointly decide amongst each other5. One of the main advantages of a direct democracy is that the citizens feel important and included in the matter. All decisions have high degree of authenticity. On the other hand, it also has its own setbacks. It is not a realistic approach for large countries. It is impossible for people of a populous country like India to sit together and discuss on an issue. Another limit is its need for people to effectively participate. This requires that the citizens are well informed of the issue to be discussed. This needs the time of the citizens which today most of them do not have. Third, decisions are taken on majority’s opinions. In direct democracy, there can be a tyranny of majority. Majorities can unfairly suppress minorities’ rights. This is the reason direct democracy is only at regional and local levels6. Representative Democracy In this form of democracy, people choose officials to represent their group and to make decisions on their behalf. An official is selected through regular elections. In this form, the citizens still participate and have the authority to decide, but the chosen representative implements the policies on their behalf. Government which are based on the principles of representative democracy are titled as republics. Majority of today’s governments are republics, for instance, United States, Mexico, and European countries7. Representative democracy has several advantages over direct democracy. First, elected representatives can focus more on politics and become specialists on issues that average people do not have time. Second, the whole process of debating and then coming to one conclusion is quicker and less comp licated than direct democracy. Third, countries can save time and money on elections since they are held after every few years; where as in direct democracy there are campaigns for most of the issues. Fourth, chosen officials provide continuity in government and prevent major changes in policy. Lastly, the elected officials can make complex decisions which the public might hesitate to take8.

Benefits of free music download in iTunes Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Benefits of free music download in iTunes - Essay Example This suggestion to have free music download in iTunes has received many critics from several quotas because it is argued as a violation of copyrights laws of the reproduction (Jost, 6). However, iTunes should acknowledge that free music download has more advantages than the disadvantages thus people should be allowed to download music freely on their website (Small, 41-68). The need for free music download has facilitated over one-hundred artists and hundreds of thousands of songs to be made available free download on the internet (Raw Downloads 1). iTunes has been left behind due to the charges it levies of the songs. Some of the reason music should be downloaded freely includes the benefits from great promotion.  When iTunes accepts the need for free download of music on their website, it would provide a better technique of marketing. This should be the chief reason iTunes should offer free music downloads on their website. Through making free music downloads, the music get playe d by people’s listening cars, devices, radios, major events, clubs, the online websites on the iTunes.  When a mass of people are truly attracted to an artist’s music, they will share the music freely through software like Bluetooth. Moreover, this would promote the artist brand name and music thus would get a lot of corporate endorsement (Jost 22).

Finance for non finance managers Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Finance for non finance managers - Assignment Example 40 million from the debt market. Using debt to run the business has both advantages and disadvantages. Advantages Debt is a low cost capital. Using debt the company does not have to pay tax on it. Hence the company will have to pay less tax overall. Using debt the Earning per share of the company fluctuates more than using only equity as the source of capital. Hence during good times the Earning per share of the company will rise much higher than when the company use only equity (Tuller, 2007, p. 211). This satisfies the shareholders as they will get more in return. Hence they will always want some portion of the capital to be raised as debt. Again using debt the company don’t have to share the ownership rights with the shareholders. They don’t have to go back to the shareholders each time they need to take an important decision. All they want is to get fixed return on the investment that they have made. Again the lenders don’t have any claim on the future earnin gs. Furthermore if a debt can be paid on time, then the credit rating of the business will improve and they will readily get finance easily from the market next time they went to any financial institutions for loan. Disadvantages The company has to make regular monthly payment of instalment and interest. Barnet Solutions is going to expand in the European market for the first time. ... 176). Hence it is like a double edged sword. If the economy in the European market deteriorates the Earning per share of the company will fall down drastically. The shareholder then may ask tough questions to the management regarding their decision making process. Pure Equity The company can use Equity as the source of fund. Advantages Using Equity the company can avoid the hassle of going through the long process of applying for loan. It takes more time to raise debt than equity. It is less risky than a loan because the company will not have to pay back the obligation if they cannot afford it. The company can easily tap into its investors’ network and add more credibility to the business. The investors here takes a long term view and don’t expect and immediate return. The company also don’t need to payback if the business fails (Mason, 2010, p. 212). Disadvantages The investors can demand returns more than the interest rate the company will have to pay for debt. The investors also will require ownership of the company. They have to be consulted before making any big decision. It also takes time and effort to find the right investors for the company. Period 2012 2011 D/E 1.18 0.92 The standard Debt-equity ratio of any company is 2:1. Hence it is advisable for the company to raise fund through both debt and equity. The company can go 80:20 ratio of raising the money from the market with the majority being debt and other being equity. Hence the company can raise ? 32 million from the debt market and ? 8 million from the equity market. After using the above capital the debt equity ratio will become Period 2012 2011 D/E 1.28 1.04 This shows that the company will be well within the standards limits of the Debt-Equity ratio. Answer 2 The

Surveys in Measuring Flexible Employment in the UK Essay

Surveys in Measuring Flexible Employment in the UK - Essay Example A broad definition of 'atypical' employment is that adopted by Delsen (1991), who describes it as deviating 'from full time open ended work employment: part time work, seasonal work'. In the US the most common term which largely overlaps what is referred to in Europe as flexible working patterns is 'contingent work' (Freedman, 1986). ( H Harris, C Brewster and PSparrow,2003 pg 101) Although some consultants have tried to foster the term 'complementary working', Polivk and Nardone (1989) define contingent employment as 'any arrangement that differs from full time, permanent, wage and salary employment'. Morishima and Feuille (2000) noting that contingent employment can include a variety of workers The common themes that unite the individuals in these diverse categories are that they receive few or no fringe benefits, they have little or no expectation of long-term employment with the firm on whose premises they work at any given time, and they occupy a secondary position to the regular, full-time employees in the firm's status hierarchy. They conclude that although an accurate account of the situation in the USA and Japan, within the European contest such distinctions do not hold true. The complex aspects of flexible working practices render varying effects and implications. Part time work for example will apply to any work hours short of the normal working week for each country which vary across the globe. For instance in France and Belgium, part time work is defined as four-fifths or less of the collectively agreed working time; in the Netherlands and USA as less than 35 hours per week; in the UK as less than 30 hours, with lower thrash holds in relation to social security contributions. Elsewhere, the norm is concentrated around 25-30 hours per week (Bolle, 1997 and Brewster et al, 1996). THE FLEXIBLE FIRM Source: as cited in Keizer (2007). Various scholars have had their significant contributions to the entirety of the Flexibility discipline. Nonetheless John Atkinson stands out for his 'The Flexible Firm" model. Whilst at the institute of man power studies John Atkinson and his colleagues propounded the much quoted model depicting the divisions, between 'core and peripheral' work forces. In this model the core workers are full time permanent career employees who have won security by virtue of committing to functional flexibility in the short term and long term basis. The organisational value of such is encapsulated in the terms and conditions that bind them whilst their remuneration is largely influenced by their achievements including those of t the team and the organisation. (John Stredwick & Steve Ellis, Flexible Working Practices techniques and innovations, pg 11 & 12) The first peripheral group has less job security and access to career opportunity. And their jobs are plug in ones, not skill specific to the firm. Organization looks to the market place to fill the jobs, many of which are filled by the women, and numerical flexibility is achieved by the normal wastage which is fairly high. .(John Stredwick & Steve Ellis ,Flexible Working Practices techniques and innovations, pg 11 & 12) The second peripheral is an extension of the first, with much part time working, shift working, zero hour and short term contracts which maximize flexibility. Such terms and conditi

How ares of contract law, specifically pre-marital agreements are Essay

How ares of contract law, specifically pre-marital agreements are affected from a feminist perspective Discuss in light of Radm - Essay Example Some legal feminists push for the equal application of laws to both men and women. Others believe that the law and the courts must take extra steps to favour women over men considering that women are, by definition and in reality, placed at a lower stratum than men in society. This clash of perspectives may even be more pronounced in the days to come with the recent Supreme Court decision in Radmacher v Granatino,1 an English premarital agreement case. This case does not only reverse previous decisions of courts in prenuptial agreements by conferring a rebuttable presumption on such agreements but it breaks the stereotypical image of wealthy men enforcing premarital agreements against economically vulnerable women spouses. The implication of the sweeping application of the legal dictum of Radmacher in future cases is to deprive women spouses, generally perceived to be the less economically viable partner, of court intervention and assistance in prenuptial agreements where such agreem ents contain provisions disadvantageous to women. The Feminist Legal Theory The feminist legal theory emerged in the 1970s and, as with any other feminist movement, was driven by the perception that men dominate and shape society, which itself subordinates women to men. Feminists bewailed that legal systems render decisions with underlying assumptions about gender, therefore, justifying and further institutionalising gender inequality. Such gender assumptions, according to them, can be gleaned in decisions that take into account and were influenced by essentially gender-related factors. It had been argued by some feminist movements that it was not nature that subordinates women in a sphere of domesticity, but culture aided by the courts with the latter’s restrictive decisions against women such as prohibiting married women to own or dispose property.2 Feminist legal movements, however, approaches their battle from diverse perspectives, some of which are complementary, whilst others are plainly conflicting. Nonetheless, all feminist legal models blame the legal and judicial systems in perpetuating gender hierarchy. The liberal equality model insisted that men and women should be treated alike in all respects. This model insists on the â€Å"sameness† between men and women in arriving at rational choices and seeks to dispute the perception that women are inferior to men, and should therefore, be accorded the same legal treatment as men. This means that even favour accorded to women because of their sex violates equality because it results in the differentiation of women and men.3 This model was, however, eventually assailed as weak because of its failure to take into account real and actual differences between the sexes such as pregnancy in the employment area. On the other hand, the radical feminist model emphasises the differences between the sexes and rallies the legal system to give special treatment to women. Contrary to the liberal equality m odel, the radical feminist model compels the law to highlight such differences and accord relief to women to bridge the gap of inequality that separates them from men. Radical feminists believe that women are subjugated to the state and to men all of the time and are therefore, disempowered. Radical feminist legalists subscribe to the ideas of Catherine MacKinnon, Sylvia Law and Nan Hunter: MacKinnon regarded women’s sexual submission to men as false consciousness of individuals who are inherently oppressed, and; Law

Persuasive memo on Internet Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Persuasive memo on Internet - Essay Example A modified and lenient regulation on Internet use can prove to be useful in more than one ways for our organization. First of all, it will provide the employees with the much needed incentive to persevere even more for the accomplishment of the company’s goals. Secondly, it is often observed that employees tend to retard during breaks and lunch periods; however, if such a regulation is passed, then it will act as a catalyst in energizing employees and boosting their motivation levels during breaks. The permission to interact with their friends and family members on social networking websites, surf news or watch highlights of a soccer game, can all prove to be key drivers in bringing out enhanced performance from the employees. Moreover, through internet use in breaks, employees can share information with each other, which would develop a knowledge-based culture in our organization. Consequently, a regulation to allow internet use during breaks and lunch periods would ultimately benefit both the employees and the

Use academic literture and to apply theory in examining a chosen Essay

Use academic literture and to apply theory in examining a chosen ethical or social marketing issue - Essay Example Therefore, marketing managers have the responsibility of ensuring that they reduce advertisements that encourage underage drinking (Mohan, 2009, pg 27). This can be done by creating public awareness of the dangers of alcohol consumption. They should set out well-coordinated efforts aimed at reducing underage drinking by fostering mature and responsible drinking habits to adults Panda (2010) defines advertisement a mass communication medium; thus, require managers to exercise social responsibility. The marketing managers are required to provide correct information about the products and services that they promote (Andreasen, 2011, pg29). This is critical in giving consumer adequate information to make correct choices. Understanding the responsibility towards the public is critical since it has a positive and negative consequences. Imperatively, the consumers’ protection groups and government provide criticism on advertisements. In many cases, they base their arguments on companys manipulative and deceptive reasons (Panda, 2010,pg37). Many consumers focus their attention on the environmental and social effect of advertisements. Other concerned with the commercial clutter, offensiveness, stereotypes, and value system. For instances, labels designed for alcoholic beverages in retail places have pictures of an older person and not children to avoid allur ing the youth and children. Marketing managers have the responsibility of ensuring that their advertisements meet the ethical norms. In essence, they need to ensure that the messages do not harm the political, social, and morals standards in the society (Lamb, 2011, pg8). Ethical advertisements are those that have limits on decency, does not lie, and don’t make false claims. It can be observed that many advertisements are exaggerative. The sole reasons for marketing managers are to increase their sales. Many are forced to make a false representation by presenting colorful, decorated, and

Personal Statements Essay Example for Free

Personal Statements Essay Thinking about humanity nowadays and peoples preoccupations made me realize the huge impact that crimes and criminal justice have on their decisions and the way they receive and react at the details and information about a crime. Television news, newspapers and magazines, they all speak about crimes, unsolved criminal problems or strange disappearances. The worlds evolution, its issues have pushed societies nowadays to extreme gestures to escape from poverty problems. Why do people commit crimes? How much crime is there committed around us? Which would be the profile of a criminal and which would be his or her characteristics? Moreover, how could these crimes is stopped? I have been attracted to criminology since the early age of just 12. I was watching Discovery channel series like Deadly women†, â€Å"Life of a crime, Most evil and I was fascinated by the way those people were investigating and solving those crimes helped by only some fragile and minor details. As time passed by, I realized that this was my hobby and so I started thinking how I could develop my skills for a career in criminology. I thought that if I entered an exact sciences high school profile, I would constantly keep my mind focused, as subjects like mathematics or informatics enlarge your vision. As criminology implies psychology, I was and I am still interested in this fascinating subject. I will always be interested in discovering the characteristics of human nature. I had contact for the first time with Psychology in the second year of high school. I also read very interesting books about psychology and criminology such as Psychology and Crime Myths and reality, by Peter Ainsworth, Criminology, by John Conklin, etc, describing its characteristics and feeding my curiosity. I have discovered myself a lot of skills after reading those books and this was an extra reason for me to attend to a Criminology course. Besides criminology, I also like IT (information technology). As technology occupies a significant part of our lives, I thought it would be helpful to certificate my skills: I obtained my OCP certificate for ORACLE sql database course; I attended the ECDL (European Computer Driving Licence) courses from where I got a diploma as a complete operator of the Microsoft Office package. At present, I am attending the ORACLE pl_sql programming course which I am going to finalise in May 2009 and obtain my certificate. Even though I have been focusing on my ambitious plans and my future, I havent forgotten the ones that werent so lucky when speaking about familys kindness and warmth. So, I was involved myself in volunteer projects every Christmas and Easter. The volunteer action is called National Strategy The Community Action. In present, I intended a new strategy to help the mentally or physically affected children at the Orizont Center in my town, Constanta. In my opinion, abandoning you own child is a crime and if he or she has a handicap it is ten times worse. As I am a very active person, I also took part to a lot of extracurricular activities, like: general-knowledge quizzes, chemistry contests where I have participated with the project Water crystals. Crystal therapy and gained two prizes, I am part of the high school volleyball team with which I won a lot of regional and national competitions, I had a job as an IT operator for introducing and validating dates within the POL-RENAV company, etc. Considering the fact that criminology is my hobby (terrorism, youth crimes, homicide, violence in crimes), it would be the perfect course for me to study and improve at university. Studying the behavior of criminals or investigating their crimes will always create a challenging future and an interesting one, having always something new to learn. As a personal conviction, criminology is maybe the most complex job that one could want: it involves mental strength, devotion and 100% interest for this field. 2. For a number of years I have had more than a passing interest in Criminology, Psychology and Sociology; in particular Criminal Psychology, Neuropsychology, the nature versus nurture debate and the Criminal Justice System. Additionally, I hold equal interest in the research, both past and present, undertaken to develop theories and concepts in the Social Science fields. I would now like to pursue these interests at a higher academic level with the hope, upon completion of my study, to gain employment whereby I could effectively utilise the skills and knowledge I had obtained, possibly in the research field. The reasons behind my late entry into higher education are primarily due to immaturity and lack of direction. Throughout my teens and early twenties my life was unconventional; this is where I believe my interest in the working of the human mind and sociological influences stem from. I have reflected on the contributing factors that led me to make the choices I made during my adole scent years. For me this raises the question of whether the underlying causes were biological or socially influenced or even a mixture of the two. Over the years I have matured and gained a sense of direction regarding what I would like to do. In 1999, I decided I wanted to contribute to my local community by doing some form of voluntary work, in particular with those who suffer from mental health problems. I became a befriended through Hilling don Mind. A befrienderÃÆ' ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ã‚ ¢s role is to support a person who is feeling isolated from the community. Every week I would visit my friend and sit and chat and lend an ear, we would also enjoy trips out into the community. I enjoyed my 12 months working as a befriended; I found it a humbling, fulfilling and rewarding experience. Sadly I had to make the difficult decision to leave the Hilling don Mind Befriending Scheme in the later part of 2000 due to unforeseen increased family and work commitments. In early 2006, I made the decision to return to education. As I had not been in full time education for 21 years, I chose to ease myself back into the system by studying a Horticulture course part time over a period of 2 years. I completed this course in July 2008 passing with 6 straight Distinctions at level 2; completing this course was the catalyst to further my education it gave me the confidence required to progress further. In September 2008, I enrolled on an Access to Psychology and Social Studies course and an additional GCSE Moths course at level 2. I am finding my current course both exciting and thought provoking and am enjoying life as a student immensely. My hopes are that on completion of both these courses I will have acquired a solid foundation of Social Sciences and the skills required to study at University. Throughout my life I have experienced a variety of roles within the work force including care work, administrative roles, production line work and voluntary research work for several websites. I have raised my two daughters, 5 17, almost single handed for the last 8 years; the eldest of which is in her final year of a levels and is currently in the process of applying to universities. For a number of years I have successfully maintained 2 Allotments, although they require a great deal of physical work I find growing my own produce extremely satisfying. Additionally, I enjoy listening to a variety of music and reading, in particular non-fictional crime. I manage my ongoing commitments to my children, education and allotments extremely well, indicative of conviction, dedication and good time management skills. Law with Criminology Personal Statement Social development within the country is based around the well-structured judicial system; however, this fundamental principle is not true for all countries and therefore permits shocking injustices to be carried out on the most vulnerable members of a society. It is from this that I believe my interest in Law stems. I am a keen, ambitious, diligent student and always strive to reach the best I can in whatever I do. Studying A levels in Business Studies, English Language and Biology gives me broad knowledge of different topics from which I have acquired many valuable skills that I believe can assist my studies in Law. Business Studies has been particularly useful when developing my understanding of the financial world and ever-changing business laws. Applying and examining bureaucracy and red tape to set case studies, has encouraged me to research further into the world of consumer rights and explore what is acceptable and not. I have enjoyed studying Biology and having to work close ly as a team when completing practical experiments with precision. English Language has given me the opportunity to analyse written texts which will be an advantage when studying cases and having to pick out key information. Studying AS Psychology has encouraged me to examine how criminal minds work and whether particular events from earlier years of life can have an effect. Recently, I attended a Foundation Degree Law Course where the idea was to become a Lawyer for the week and develop the learning skills required for University. During the week I had hands on experience and undertook many legal practices such as taking witness statements and drafting statements of case. I found the course thoroughly enjoyable, particularly offering legal advice, and it helped me to realise how Law influences everyday decisions and activities. I have contributed too many different aspects of school life ranging from playing in successful musical concerts to becoming a senior student as a Year 8 mentor for which I had to attend two peer mediation courses. From this I learnt how to enhance my listening skills and empathise with those around me, offering reliable advice at the same time. I believe this would assist me when recommending legal advice to clientele. Along with a small group of other students, I am currently helping to set up a Committee to improve Sixth Form Life. Although this is to be carried out alongside my lessons, it helps me to plan my time well who benefits my studies when completing coursework and other various set tasks. The Young Enterprise Scheme, where it was our job to set up a company and assign ourselves roles within it, was a good insight into having to work as a team and understand business laws. I was chosen as the company secretary as I had the organizational skills which were necessary, this meant I had to work closely with the Managing Director to discuss issues and then make sure that every employee understood the tasks set. This developed my interpersonal skills as I had to liaise between staff, students and visitors from external companies. Personal well being is something I value and so participate regularly in exercise, giving me a sense of achievement when I overcome a certain obstacle or beat a personnel target. At school, this reflects my self discipline approach to studying. I have had to institute a system of time management alongside my education as I work part-time twice a week at South Deep Cafe. Working there for three years has, primarily, made me particularly approachable, as I have learnt many valuable customer relation skills, but has also reflected my trustworthiness and commitment especially when training other employees. As an enthusiastic, well-rounded, dedicated student, I feel I have the attributes and genuine passion needed to succeed on a Law Course, and look forward to the many challenges and aspects of life at University. Law and Criminology/Sociology Personal Statement From a young age, I have been fascinated by law and was thrilled at the possibility of studying it at A-Level. In August 2007, I was able to spend two weeks working at Naves Solicitors in Lupton. Most of my time was spent in the Conveyancing department, where Andrew Orriss, a partner in the firm, taught me how to draw up commercial leases and business contracts, and about buying, selling and renting residential properties. I most enjoyed meeting clients and discussing their cases. I found that moving house many times as a child enabled me to be sympathetic and relate to the clients. My time at Neves has made me more intent on pursuing a career in the law, as I liked the work and fitted in well with the staff. I believe my current studies of Law, English Language and History complement each other well and would give me an advantage at university, as they have furthered my strong reading and writing abilities, and taught me to be more logical and investigative. I also took Religious Studies at AS-level as I like learning about other peoples beliefs, and it helped me to become more open-minded. I enjoy getting involved with activities in my Sixth Form, such as planning the Summer Ball in Year 12. I was chosen by our Deputy Head Girl to take the minutes for the meetings and email them to the other committee members, and my minutes were commended by my Head of Year. I was also asked to assist with the Sixth Form Induction Evening. My duties involved welcoming prospective students and their parents, handing out prospectuses, and talking to them about my own experiences of Sixth Form. In Year 13, I was chosen as a History subject mentor to help struggling Year 12 students, and I also helped out on a trip to Germany with students in years 7 to 9. Outside of school, my hobbies include photography, bass guitar, and writing. In 2006, I came second in a BBC writing competition for young people in Northamptonshire. Having grown up in France, I am bilingual, and my next challenge is to write a short story in French. I also have a part-time job at McDonalds, which has taught me about working with others, as well as coping with pressure. One of the crucial parts of my job is ensuring that customers are satisfied, and occasionally dealing with complaints. I believe the people skills I have gained from McDonalds will help me in other aspects of my life. I regularly attend my local church and Christian youth group. In July 2007, I had the opportunity to go to Kosovo for a fortnight with other members of the youth group. Our aim was to help widows and orphans affected by the Yugoslav Civil War and the ethnic cleansing of Kosovans in 1999. We redecorated homes and schools, ran childrens clubs, distributed aid, and visited a Roma gypsy camp. It was a very profound and moving experience, and one I hope to repeat at some point in the future. This is the reason for my deferred entry to university. I plan to spend a few months fundraising, and then return to Kosovo for the remainder of the year to continue the work we started there. I believe that I am a confident and enthusiastic person who would benefit greatly from studying at university. I am passionate about the law and would like to have a career as a lawyer. I also have a keen sense of justice and an interest in Sociology and Criminology and would consider working with the Prison Service or the CPS. I think that studying Law at university would help me make the best possible use of my analytical and writing skills, and that a career in Law would satisfy my need to help.

Negative correlation Essay Example for Free

Negative correlation Essay However, the weakness of this negative correlation raises the notion that the results have no correlation at all. To investigate this possibility I will first try to find how just how weak this negative correlation is. As you can see from graph 2 the different result values for each temperature vary quite a lot from the average. This undermines the accuracy of the results, as the greater the range of the results from the average the less likely the results and therefore the average is accurate. The range of the different results for each temperatures and the standard deviation from the mean can indicate how accurate the results are. This is because, as I have explained earlier the range and the deviation of the results from the mean determines how accurate the results are. Graphs 3 and 4 show how the standard deviation and the range of the results change over the temperature range used in the experiment. In graph 3 the range was calculated by subtracting the lowest value from the highest, and in graph 4 the standard deviation was calculated using the formula; ? ((? (x -? x)/n) (where x = the values and n = the number of values). Graph 3 and 4 show that in general the accuracy of the result increases with an increase in the temperature, and that at low temperatures the results are not very accurate at all. I can conclude this as, the bigger the standard deviation or range the less accurate the results are. In both graphs 3 and 4 the general pattern shows high range and high standard deviation at low temperature (high inaccuracy) and low range and low standard deviation at high temperatures (low inaccuracy). This therefore contradicts my earlier theory that the inaccuracy would increase with an increase in the temperature, however it must be taken into account that the results are very inaccurate already. Because of this inaccuracy the results may have had a certain random element in them, evidence for this is in the fact that the results are very inaccurate (they have a large range and a large standard deviation), and that the inaccuracy varies a lot from its trend line (see graphs 3 and 4). So in conclusion, I think that the results of this experiment were not accurate at all and not accurate enough to draw any sound conclusions that are backed with scientific theory/knowledge. In fact I think there was a certain random element in the results that contributed to the inaccuracy of the results. Because of the inaccuracy of the results, I feel that it is not a good idea to use these results as a basis for any conclusions, especially as these conclusions cannot be backed up by any scientific knowledge. Therefore with only the results I have at this moment, I have to conclude that the resistance is directly proportional to the temperature. I can conclude this because I have decided to use scientific knowledge as a basis for the answer to this correlation. I have done this because the results I have are too inaccurate to use for making any judgements on this correlation. Evaluation: So far I do not think this investigation has gone very well because of the very inaccurate results, however with the large amount of scientific knowledge I have been able to come to a conclusion to this investigation that has a lot of backing. My prediction was of corse correct. The reason to this inaccuracy in the results is, in my opinion due to the large amount of contacts and wiring used in this method. Some components react to temperature by changing the resistance in different ways, most components react in a directly proportional linear way, but some components like a filament lamp or diode react in a directly proportional but logarithmic way and/or only at certain voltages. It is quite likely that in the multi-meters there were some of these components that react in a logarithmic way and at certain voltages. This means that the current flowing through the circuit would be affected out of proportion by these components, therefore affecting the resistance. Although the affect of these components would have been neutralised if one multi-meter were used, it might not be neutralised if two multi-meters were used as they were in this method. The large amount of wire used in this experiment has meant the current could have been easily affected by other variables that I did not take into account, like a change in the room temperature, or if I accidentally spilt some water onto the wires. Also like the different depths used in the water bath, or a magnetic flux from the high voltage used in the kettle. Due to the large amount of outside variables that can affect the large amounts of wire used, I have to conclude that the large amounts of wire used in this method was the main cause of the inaccuracy of its results. I cannot estimate how accurate my results are because I have no basis on what the true values are, only that the correlation is directly proportional. If I were to repeat this investigation, I would change the method so that less wire was used and only one multi-meter was used, I would also change the method so as to stop any of the variables mentioned in this evaluation affecting the results. If possible I would try and use a more accurate multi-meter in my experiment. A more accurate multi-meter will give me more accurate results; the reduced amount of wire to be used will reduce the effect of outside variables and make the results more reliable. I dont think I need to do any extra research, as I have more than enough scientific backing for any conclusions I will have to make if I repeat this investigation.

Online Shopping In India

Online Shopping In India Online shopping is the process of researching and purchasing products or services over the  Internet. The earliest online stores went into business in 1992, and online  retailing  took over a significant segment of the retail market during the first decade of the twenty-first century, as ownership of personal computers increased and established retailers began to offer their products over the Internet.   Consumers across the globe are increasingly swapping crowded stores for one-click convenience, as online shopping becomes a safe and popular option. Online shopping has some advantages over shopping in retail stores, including the ability to easily compare prices from a range of merchants, access to a wide selection of merchandise, being open 24*7 and the convenience of not having to drive to a physical store. But despite that the online shopping cannot replace the experience of shopping in a retail store or the entertainment value of going to a mall or market. A customer who knows exactly what he or she wants can look it up online, read and compare the information, and purchase from the site that offers the best price or service. But a shopper who is uncertain what to look for, or who just enjoys browsing through items on display, will prefer a retail store where the merchandise can be seen, handled and sample. The dà ©cor, music and arrangement of goods in a retail store creates a multi-dimensional shopping environment that cannot be duplicated online. For many people, going shopping at a mall, department store or market is a form of entertainment and a social experience. Many people who are currently unfamiliar with computers and do not feel comfortable using the Internet to shop are not likely to change their habits.   The Future growth will come through improvements to the shopping process on existing Web sites; the implementation of more online shopping sites by existing retailers; the coming of age of a younger, more technology-oriented generation; and the introduction of novel goods, services and online shopping experiences. The growth of online shopping in developing nations like India will occur as more people acquire personal computers and credit cards. Global Arena Online shopping, or the use of the Internet to gather information on products and services, has already shown significant growth globally. The Nielsen survey, the largest survey of its kind on the topic of  Internet shopping  habits, was conducted from October to November 2007 and polled 26,312 Internet users in 48 markets from Europe, Asia Pacific, the Americas and the Middle East. When The Nielsen Company conducted its first survey into online shopping habits two years ago, only 10 percent of the worlds online population (627 million) had made a purchase over the Internet. Within two years, this number has surged by approximately 40 percent to a staggering 875 million. The burgeoning popularity of online shopping is a truly global phenomenon. Online shoppers can be found scattered across the globe, but the worlds most avid Internet shoppers hail from South Korea 99 percent of Internet users in South Korea have shopped online. German, UK and Japanese consumers come in a close second. US consumers are slightly more recalcitrant, clocking in at number eight. Indian Scenario While the Internet and the World Wide Web are continuing to expand at a rapid pace, the development of electronic commerce has been slower. Surveys indicate many Indian Internet users employ the developing interactive medium to shop or browse for information on products and services, but a far smaller percentage has actually made purchases online. The number of people and hosts connected to the net has increased worldwide. In India too, Internet penetration has became more widespread. Online shopping though a small proportion of the Internet activity is believed to increase in the coming years. Some of the prominent factors leading the change are greater Internet penetration, fall in prices of hardware, fall in the price of Internet communication, development of better and more reliable technologies, and increased awareness among the users. Some of the various ways in which online marketing is done in India are company websites, shopping portals, online auction sites, etc. E-commerce may not have taken off in India the way it should have, yet prospects are bright. India is expected to be the third largest Internet market in the world in the next five years (Source Ac Nielson). The advantages are there for both buyers and sellers and this win-win situation is at the core of its phenomenal rise, as it is believed that e-commerce transactions will represent the largest revenue earner especially in the business to consumer (B2C) segment in India. Indian customers are increasingly getting comfortable with online shopping, and there is a higher acceptability for the concept. India has 25 million Internet users and more is now turning to online shopping. There has been an influx of online shopping sites in India with many companies hitching onto the Internet bandwagon. The revenues from online shopping are expected to increase tremendously. According to IAMAI, the average number of transactions per month in India has gone up from 2 lakh in 2003-04 to 4.4 lakh in 2004-05 and has doubled to 7.95 lakh transactions per month in the year 2005-06. The online sales during the festival season had increased rapidly especially during Diwali and Ramzan which recorded a sales of Rs115 crore, a 117 per cent increase from the Rs53 crore in the year 2004-05 (source IAMAI). These figures clearly show that online shopping has truly come of age and consumers are keen to shop on the net. Effective customer communication on products plus reduced shipping costs and timely delivery has helped online marketers to seize a slice of the Rs 115 crore sales. Though a miniscule amount in the global context, the Indian online shoppers population would make its presence felt quite remarkably. The potential of the Indian e-market can be gauged from the fact that 16 percent of Indian consumers want to buy online in the next six months, making it the th ird most online-potential country after Korea (28 percent) and Australia (26 percent) (Source:IMRB). This is an indication of a growing breed of Indian consumers who are not only better equipped but also more confident of the online transactions. LITERATURE REVIEW The consumers attitude towards online shopping is known as one of the main factors that affects e-shopping potential (Michieal, 1998). Though attitudinal issues are thought to play a significant role in e-commerce adoption, however social-demographic variables such as the gender, income, age, and nation also affect customers in purchasing. In a study of customer satisfaction and repurchase behavior, Mittal, Kamakura Wagner (2001) divided consumer characteristics into six social-demographic variables. They were gender, age, educational background, marital status, children, and living area. A review of empirical studies in this area shows several things. Many studies have found that typical online buyers have used the Web for several years, and because of their familiarity, they searched online for product information and purchase options (Bellmanet al., 1999). There was also evidence that the Internet shopper was convenience-oriented (Donthu Garcia, 1999; Korgaonkar Wolin, 1999), innovative and variety-seeking (Donthu Garcia, 1999). He or she did not appear to be brand-or price-sensitive (Donthu Garcia, 1999). From a consumers viewpoint, Yao (1998) who researched the purchase behavior of online shopping in demographic variables and behavior variables angle, found that different age groups affected customers product choice in price. Sheth (1983) considered that consumers purchase preference would affect their intention. Considering that Internet shopping, is still not at the mature stage of development, not too much is known about consumers attitudes towards adopting this new shopping channel and factors that influence their attitude toward (Haque et al., 2006). That means that, through motivation and perception, attitudes are formed and consumers make decisions. Thus, attitudes directly influence decision making (Haque et al.,2006). Attitudes serve as the bridge between consumers background characteristics and the consumption that satisfies their needs (Armstrong and Kotler, 2000; Shwu-Ing, 2003). Because attitudes are difficult to change, to understand consumers attitudes toward online shopping, can help marketing managers predict the online shopping intention and evaluate the future growth of online commerce. OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this research study is to investigate online Indian consumer behaviour, which in turn will provide E-marketers with a constructional framework for fine-tuning their online strategies. The objectives of this research are: To study the attitudes and behaviour of Indian consumer regarding online shopping. To evaluate the contribution of online shopping in India. To understand the issues and challenges of online shopping in India. To analyze if the Indian online buying behavior is affected by demographics, cultural and social characteristics. To identify factors which determine online shopping. To examine the satisfaction level of online purchases of Indian consumers. To investigate the future and growth of Online Shopping in India. HYPOTHESIS: Keeping in mind the above objectives and in order to address the problem in the most effective manner the following hypotheses have been formulated: There is no significant difference between the frequency of online buying among male females Indian consumers. There is no significant difference between the Indian consumers educational background and their online purchase intention. There is no significant difference between the income of regular online shopper and occasional online buyer. There is no significant difference between the convenience orientation of consumers who make frequent online purchases or those who purchase occasionally. There is no significant difference in the dominance of usage of shopping online between the Generation Y shoppers (those born after 1977) and other online buyers, that is, people over 45 years of age. RESEARCH METHODOLGY: The general purpose of the study is to conduct a descriptive research on the customer attitudes and behaviors for online shopping in Indian setting. To this end exploratory or qualitative research tool would be used, which can help better understand and gain data that, shows how consumers make online shopping. Sampling designs chosen for use in this research is non-probability judgment sampling. A non-probability sample group would be used and the surveys would be mailed and distributed among the Internet users chosen. As discuss by Cavana et al.(2001), when time or other factors become critical, non-probability sampling is generally used. By using this sampling design, no probabilities are attached to the elements in the population under research. However this research may able to collect preliminary information in a quick and inexpensive way. In judgment sampling, the researcher uses his/her judgment in selecting information rich units from the population for study based on the populations parameters to answer the research question. Five hundred surveys would be conducted because it is considered to be a large sample size to se rve the purpose of the research. A combination of primary and secondary research techniques would be used to collect the data to meet the objectives. The primary research would be conducted across Delhi through structured consumer survey questionnaires administered among all the people who use Internet through judgmental sampling. Any person who meets the criteria would be a potential sample unit for the survey. According to Sekaran (2003), surveys type is a useful and powerful method in finding answers to consumer behaviors research. To carry out the research, the questionnaire consists of a combination of several types of questions. Also the researcher will seek to review related literatures of consumer behavior on online shopping. After data collection the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) would be used for data analysis. Various tests would also be conducted like T Test, Z Test, Factor Analysis. These methods would help to reach an answer and come up with results to prove the findings. SCOPE: Today Internet is not only a networking media, but also as a means of transaction for consumers at global market. Internet usage has grown rapidly over the past years and it has become common means for delivering and trading information, services and goods (Albarq, 2006). Since online shopping is growing tremendously in the current business scenario it is imperative to study how consumers make purchase decisions on the Internet. With the advent of Internet shopping, consumers are faced with an overwhelming amount of product offerings, and consequently have a greater degree of freedom to choose among many different alternatives. Internet shopping carries a number of different characteristics than traditional shopping methods. In India the Internet has taken root and grown along many fronts in the past decade. The research assumes significance since marketers have endeavored to cater to this growing segment of consumers. Research undertaken within India on the profile of Internet shoppers is piecemeal and incomplete. This empirical research intends to explore into this issue, this study among the Internet users will help marketers to plan highly focused online campaigns in the future. PROPOSED CHAPTERIZATION: Keeping in mind the objective of the research, In this research proposal, the background, context and theme of the study would be presented first; then the objectives of the study and the research statements would be formulated. Here, vital concepts, questions and assumptions shall be stated. Finally, the scope and limitation of the study, methodology to be used and the significance of the research will be discussed in detail.    So, proposed table of contents for the research are as follows Acknowledgement Executive Summary Table Of Contents List Of Tables List Of Figures Chapter 1 Introduction In this chapter the background to the research area is presented. This presentation leads to a discussion of the issues within the research area which further leads to the formulation of a research question. This research question will be answered later in this thesis. The purpose of this thesis is also presented. Chapter 2 Literature Review This chapter includes a review of relevant and supporting theories for this research. They begin with broader theories of segmentation and online buying behaviour before two models relevant to the empirical study is presented. Chapter 3 Research Methodology The means that were used to conduct this research will be presented in this chapter. This includes the methodological approach, the research strategy, method of data collection, the sample and quality standards. The methodology is chosen to fulfil the purpose and aim of this thesis. Chapter 4 Analysis Findings The results of the empirical study will be presented in this chapter. The empirical findings will assist in the analysis of results presented in chapter five. The extent by which data analysis done would depend on the amount and quality of data collected through primary and secondary research. Principle objective in such a process of data analysis would be the use of statistical tools wherever required which could include the use of worksheets in excel. This would involve extensive discussion with industry representatives to get an accurate and valuable opinion. Based on the analysis suitable analysis and recommendations would be fixed. Chapter 5 Conclusion The conclusion answers the research question and presents implications for marketers. It answers whether the purpose of the research has been achieved. Chapter 6 Recommendations And Limitations In this chapter the limitations of this research is presented as well as recommendations for future research in online communities References This research has referenced the following reputable sources Literature, Journals, Articles, and Websites Appendices

Finding the Good Life in Symposium Essay -- Philosophy essays

Finding the  Good Life in Symposium There are many different interpretations of what the good life truly is. Individualists believe that the good life is pleasing oneself, while utilitarians believe that the good life is acting for the good of the rest of society. Philosophers, too, have their own interpretation. Plato alludes to the philosopher's good life when he uses the phrase "my greatest pleasure." The inherent subjectivity of the word "my" tells the reader that philosophical conversation may not necessarily be everyone's greatest pleasure. "After all, my greatest pleasure comes from philosophical conversation, even if I'm only a listener, whether or not I think it will be to my advantage. All other talk, especially the talk of rich businessmen like you, bores me to tears, and I'm sorry for you and your friends because you think your affairs are important when really they're totally trivial" (Symposium 173C-D). The casual observer may believe that these lines, spoken by Apollodorus, are trite, offering little more than some humor to begin Symposium. However, a well-learned reader will read between the lines and quickly realize that, embedded within the words of the passage lies a plethora of ideas that are integral to the work as a whole. The two primary ideas which stem from the preceding passage are the philosopher's view of the good life and the very different lives that philosophers lead. There are many different interpretations of what the good life truly is. Individualists believe that the good life is pleasing oneself, while utilitarians believe that the good life is acting for the good of the rest of society. Philosophers, too, have their own interpretation. Plato alludes to the philosopher's good life ... ... not only to listen to the ideas of others, but to make a judgment about those ideas after they have been heard. In offering the judgment of the philospher's good life being the best one, Plato enticed his readers to attend his academy, one goal of his book. The ultimate idea of the passage, and indeed the book as a whole, is to for one to keep an open mind to hear the opinions of others, and for one to divulge one's own opinions for the betterment of society. After these opinions have been heard, thought through, and fully realized, individuals have the capacity to make decisions for the good of themselves and those around them. When these intellectual, spiritual decisions are made correctly, human beings can begin to live the good life. Works Cited: Plato. Symposium. Trans. Alexander Nehemas & Paul Woodruff. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1989. Finding the Good Life in Symposium Essay -- Philosophy essays Finding the  Good Life in Symposium There are many different interpretations of what the good life truly is. Individualists believe that the good life is pleasing oneself, while utilitarians believe that the good life is acting for the good of the rest of society. Philosophers, too, have their own interpretation. Plato alludes to the philosopher's good life when he uses the phrase "my greatest pleasure." The inherent subjectivity of the word "my" tells the reader that philosophical conversation may not necessarily be everyone's greatest pleasure. "After all, my greatest pleasure comes from philosophical conversation, even if I'm only a listener, whether or not I think it will be to my advantage. All other talk, especially the talk of rich businessmen like you, bores me to tears, and I'm sorry for you and your friends because you think your affairs are important when really they're totally trivial" (Symposium 173C-D). The casual observer may believe that these lines, spoken by Apollodorus, are trite, offering little more than some humor to begin Symposium. However, a well-learned reader will read between the lines and quickly realize that, embedded within the words of the passage lies a plethora of ideas that are integral to the work as a whole. The two primary ideas which stem from the preceding passage are the philosopher's view of the good life and the very different lives that philosophers lead. There are many different interpretations of what the good life truly is. Individualists believe that the good life is pleasing oneself, while utilitarians believe that the good life is acting for the good of the rest of society. Philosophers, too, have their own interpretation. Plato alludes to the philosopher's good life ... ... not only to listen to the ideas of others, but to make a judgment about those ideas after they have been heard. In offering the judgment of the philospher's good life being the best one, Plato enticed his readers to attend his academy, one goal of his book. The ultimate idea of the passage, and indeed the book as a whole, is to for one to keep an open mind to hear the opinions of others, and for one to divulge one's own opinions for the betterment of society. After these opinions have been heard, thought through, and fully realized, individuals have the capacity to make decisions for the good of themselves and those around them. When these intellectual, spiritual decisions are made correctly, human beings can begin to live the good life. Works Cited: Plato. Symposium. Trans. Alexander Nehemas & Paul Woodruff. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1989.

Edward Norton ? Sinuous Talent, Unyielding Determination :: essays research papers

The son of a Carter Administration, federal prosecutor and an English teacher, as well as the grandson of famed developer James Rouse, Edward Norton was born in Boston on August 18, 1969. He was raised in the planned community of Columbia, Maryland, and from an early age was known as an extremely bright and somewhat serious person. His interest in acting began at the age of five when his baby sitter, Betsy True (who went on to become an actress on stage and screen), took him to a musical adaptation of Cinderella. Shortly after that, Norton enrolled at Orenstein's Columbia School for Theatrical Arts, making his stage debut at the age of eight in a local production of Annie Get Your Gun. Although young, Norton already exhibited an unusual amount of professionalism, and took his subsequent roles seriously. After high school, he studied astronomy, history, and Japanese at Yale, and was also active in the university's theatrical productions. Edward attained almost instant stardom with his film debut in the 1996 Primal Fear. For his thoroughly chilling breakthrough performance as a Kentucky altar boy accused of murder, Norton was credited with saving an otherwise mediocre film, and further rewarded with Golden Globe and Oscar nominations. Remarkably disconnected from all of the hype that is usually associated with fresh talent, Norton has gone on to further prove his worth in such films as American History X, The People vs. Larry Flynt, and Fight Club. After earning a history degree, Norton spent a few months in Japan and then moved to New York, where he worked for the Enterprise Foundation, a group devoted to stopping urban decay. Again, Norton continued acting at every opportunity, and eventually decided to become a full-time actor. In 1994, he appeared in Edward Albee's Fragments after deeply impressing the distinguished playwright during an audition. Norton then joined the New York Signature Theatre Company, which frequently premieres Albee's plays. With a number of off-Broadway credits to his name, Norton won his role in Primal Fear after being chosen out of 2,100 hopefuls. He nabbed the part after telling casting directors in a flawless drawl that he was a native of eastern Kentucky, the same area where the character came from; legend has it that the actor watched Coal Miner's Daughter to learn the accent. The intensity of Norton's screen test readings stunned almost all who saw them, and the actor became something of a hot p roperty even before the film was released.

Episodic Memory :: essays research papers

Introduction   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The mechanism of human memory recall is neither a parallel nor a sequential retrieval of previously learned events. Instead, it is a complex system that has elements of both sequential and parallel modalities, engaging all of the sensory faculties of the individual. On an everyday level, issues about memory and recall affect everyone. It has a bearing on ramifications from the trivial to matters of life and death. Thus, a particular student might worry about his or her ability to remember 'memorized' material, a person might worry about losing his or her mind, and, there are the more troubling issue of diseases affecting memory such as Alzheimer's disease. According to Tulving, episodic memory represents only a small part of the much larger domain of memory (Tulving, 1992, p.1). Specifically, episodic memory is the process involved in remembering past events. This paper is a review of research findings on episodic memory with specific attention to episodic memory in adults and infants. Episodic Memory in Adults   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In society, it is quite common for people in their golden years or even well before that, to worry about losing their memory. There is scientific evidence to support this notion of degradation of memory with age. It is now well known in neurology that brain cells die off as one ages. Verhaeghen and Marcoen (1993, pp. 172-178) found that the decline associated with age in relation to the ability to perform episodic memory tasks involving deliberate recall appears to be largely a quantitative rather than a qualitative phenomenon. The ability of older adults to recall individual items in lists, or ideas in texts could be predicted based on the performance by younger adults on the same tasks. From their data in a sample of 48 younger and 45 older adults, they postulated a relationship between recall and age with a median correlation of r = .88. The same item characteristics could be used to predict probability of recall by younger or older adults.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Kliegl and Lindenberger (1993, pp. 617-637) tested a model for correct recall and intrusions in cued recall of word lists. Intrusions are defined as false responses that were correct in an earlier list. The model assumes three exclusive states for memory traces after encoding; 1) with a list tag-with information about list origin, 2) without list tags, and 3) missing. Across lists, a trace can lose its list tag or it's content.

The Imporance of Parental Authority

The nature and purpose of parental authority is to direct and instruct towards achieving a good, as many philosophers will agree on. However, there are certain philosophers that differ on the rational use of parental authority. Some will adhere to the notion that parental authority must be bounded to moral law, whereas others believe in the divine nature of parental authority. Nevertheless, most philosophers will agree that the correct use of parental authority for any family will dictate the success or failure in achieving the truest good for themselves. Both Allan Bloom’s â€Å"The Clean Slate† and Rabbi Normal Lamm’s â€Å"Traditional Jewish Family Values† offer insight to the use, nature, and purpose of parental authority in the family’s achievement of goodness. Rabbi Norman Lamm presents a model for parental authority in the traditional Jewish family. The father of a Jewish family is typically the source of authority for the family, but is not considered the absolute authority. The use of the father’s authority is exercised as the absolute source, meaning there is no democratic debate between each member of the family to come to a decision. As Lamm notes, the degeneration of the contemporary Jewish family stems from authority figures not exercising proper discipline, letting the family slip into this â€Å"liberal posture† (726). The nature and purpose of parental authority is ultimately meant to direct the child to his or her truest good. However, it is false to believe that the father of this idealized family is acting alone in instructing children. The father, as Lamm writes, is â€Å"not only the visible and present focus of authority†¦but he is also a symbol, the representative and refractor of a Higher Authority† (728). There is, in this statement, a direct implication that the father is only the focus to an authority that is greater than himself, and in working with that divine authority will direct the child to his or her good. In order for the family to achieve its fundamental goodness, the father must express his authority in relation with that which is greater than the family itself. The family, therefore, must be grounded and mutually committed to the authority bestowed upon them by parents and divine power. Lamm paints a picture that parental authority is given to parents through the transcendent, and parents must bestow this awareness of authority upon their children as a way to develop them towards achieving good, thus starting a cycle in which these children will pass the same traditions of authority to their children. In conclusion, Lamm explains that achieving fundamental happiness for the family only comes through an awareness of the transcendent and adhering to that in the exercise of parental authority. Allan Bloom, in â€Å"The Clean Slate†, comments on the state of moral education in the past and how it has evolved in the modern day. The use of parental authority is essential to the moral development of adolescents and young adults, according to Bloom. The family is meant to provide, above all else, a deep and enriching moral education, one that promotes and cultivates rational thinking in the service of a moral education. However, the achievement of this moral education draws similarities to the argument of Lamm, in that it is dependent upon a spiritual commitment to ritual and tradition, while upholding and communicating the knowledge of great literary writings. An important distinction here is to note the importance Bloom places upon great books. He notes that the family must read these as they are a pathway to a timeless truth. These great books bestow upon the family something that modern media and culture cannot, a true vision of the order of the whole of things as well as a sense of wisdom of the true nature of things. He writes, â€Å"The family requires a certain authority and wisdom about the ways of the heavens and of men† (57). Every member of the family, as a way to achieve a fundamental goodness, must be well versed in timeless teachings, rituals, and ceremonies. Bloom does point to several issues in our history as a nation that are having a direct impact on the nature and use of parental authority. If parental authority is meant to give children a deepening moral education and bring about goodness, how is it supposed to be that we can still achieve this with many technological distractions and a shift away from writings of revelation and truth? He comments that many parents in modern American families are moving away from the higher and more independent family life of their ancestors that provided a true moral education. Bloom believes that in order to restore what the family has lost, it must start with providing a firm exercise of parental authority through the use of great literature, ritual and traditional, to achieve a sacred unity. The fundamental goodness of a family exists when it is cultivating an environment that presents to the young â€Å"†¦a vision of a moral cosmos and of the rewards and punishment of good and evil†¦Ã¢â‚¬ , otherwise the world remains disenchanted with no fundamental truths. A disenchanted life awaits all that do not participate in the great revelations and epics that point us to the true natural vision of life, according to Bloom.

Khmer Rouge and Stable Communist Environment

How is it that between the Cambodian Genocide and the Holocaust, over eight million people were killed? The similarities and differences between the Cambodian Genocide and the Holocaust are both disturbing yet interesting. To understand how alike and dissimilar these two events are you must consider three things, which are: the cause, courses, and effects. The Cambodian Genocide was lit up by a man named Saloth Sar, better known as Pol Pot. He was a Cambodian Revolutionary as well as the man who created a communist group known greatly as The Khmer Rouge.Pol Pot and Hitler are similar in this way because Hitler also created a political power party known as the Nazis. Both of these leaders were important dictators who created murderous groups. Additionally, this wasn't the only similarity between the two because Pol Pot and hitler both promised something they couldn't back up. Pol Pot promised a stable communist environment , while Hitler promised a big change in their country. Neither of them were actually doing this for the better, but rather for themselves because they both wanted to have absolute power.The difference between the two of them was that Pol Pot had attempted stability and communism by trying to isolate Cambodia, giving the subtle hint that he would rather be somewhat of an underdog and safe, rather than on top and over powerful. In this case, Hitler was the exact opposite. Hitler wanted to be on top; he wanted to be the top dog. He wanted to make Germany a better country but his view and their view were much different. Hitler didn't want to make it better for the less fortunate, he just wanted to make it better for the, already to be know as, higher class.Furthermore, the way Pol Pot and Hitler ran things were very different but in the long run, they both had the same outcome: world wide tragedy for everyone but themselves. During the Cambodian Genocide and the Holocaust, many roles of symbolization came into play. For instance, throughout the Ge nocide everyone was forced to wear black pants and black shirts and in the Holocaust all jews were forced to wear prisoner clothing and of course, the star of david at all times. These weren't the only rules that were very strict.In Cambodia, if you wore glasses you were automatically death sentenced because you were considered to be different and in the Holocaust, you were refrained from wearing shoes. These harsh rules were just the begging of the torture for either countries. Throughout the course of these events, the very serious situations began to occur. In Cambodia, the torture began with labor fields, carried on with starvation and ended with execution but in the Holocaust everything was just thrown at them at once with the death camps and the gas chambers.Nobody can make any exception about not remembering the last step in the Holocaust which was the final solution. Pol Pot and Hitler had very different views on how to carry out the â€Å"organization† of things. Hit ler believed that only very particular people should carry on at the death camps and the rest were thrown into the gas chambers-such as women, child, weak, and certain age groups-. Pol Pot had little stereotypes such as grouping anyone intellectual, wealthy, or high class and they were to be executed together because they were â€Å"different†.The ones that lived through that, had little hope, but still more than the ones going through the Holocaust. One more thing that was similar between the Genocide and the Holocaust was that the population decreased dramatically. In Cambodia, people disappeared daily from camps and the starvation was killing quickly. In Germany, an estimated 4,000 or more jews were killed every single day from either being murdered, freezing, or starving. These deaths were nothing to be taking lightly, yet not enough people took it serious enough.This is one of the reasons both of these events were not stopped until it was too late. The effects of both of these treacherous events were devastating. An estimated 20% of the Cambodian population were murdered throughout four years under the power of the Khmer Rouge. In Germany an estimated six million jews were murdered between the time period of 1933-1945 under the power of Hitler and the Nazis. The punishment wasn't enough for either but at least the Nazis had to go threw the Nuremberg trials.

Horse Whisperer

â€Å"Compare the ways personal experience is presented in â€Å"Horse whisperer† and another poem of your choice† The poems â€Å"Horse whisperer† and â€Å"The ruined maid† portray a sense of personal experience in their poems. Andrew Foster’s poem, â€Å"Horse whisperer† tells us about how a horse whisperer was used in his society when he was needed but was then kicked out as technology advanced whilst Thomas Hardy’s poem â€Å"The ruined maid† shows us how a young and innocent farm girl has turned into a posh and classy women due to a change in her lifestyle.In Fosters poem, the use of emotional language implies that he has a lot of love and passion for the horses he trains. The last stanza is only about the horses he used to train. The language he uses shows us that his feelings towards the horses will never change and that he still adores and admires them. The phrase ‘still I miss them’ suggests that he didnâ €™t want to go as he loved what he did in the past although he had no choice but to leave. On the other hand, Hardy’s poem uses modern language to make Melia sound more sophisticated.The first three lines of stanza three and now from the way she speaks. Line eleven highlights that as someone who was brought up in a low- class society before but is now acting classy and posh suggests that her occupation and lifestyle has become better when in fact it hasn’t as Melia is used by other men in her new society. Melia may feel she wants to go back to her old lifestyle due to her personal experience. Both poems coney a person being used for who they are. In addition, both poems use enjambment to portray their strong feelings towards society.The poem â€Å"Horse whisperer† uses personal pronouns and the third person to convey a sense of seperation in his society. The first stanza consists of the words ‘my’ and ‘their’. This highlights that t he horses in their society were seperated from the narrator and the horses owners, as maybe he was seen as someone different. In contrast, â€Å"The ruined maid† uses rhyming couplets every first and second line in each stanza. This strict principle the poet follows could symbolise the strict rules Melia has to follow in order for her to make a living in her society as she has to obey the rules she has been given.Her personal experience from before may suggest that the society she lives in now is so much different to old society. Moreover, both poems portray the feeling of pride. Forster’s poem conveys a feeling of revenge when the horse whisperer gets neglected by his society. The quote â€Å"My gifts were the tools of revenge† highlights that he is no longer going to be of help to anyone. The word ‘gift’ implies how he is going to now use his precious power of controlling horses against their owners as they treated him cruelly.However, â€Å"The ruined maid† portrays a sense of jealousy. Lines twenty- one and twenty- two highlight that Melia comes across as a person that is quite a classy person when in fact she isn’t as she ‘wishes’ that she had all those things that people would have in a high- class society. In conclusion, the â€Å"Horse whisperer† portrays love and jealousy at the same time whilst â€Å"The ruined maid† conveys a sense of insecurity and hate meaning that these poems are not very alike.

Desistance

Criminology & Criminal Justice  © 2006 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks & New Delhi) and the British Society of Criminology. www. sagepublications. com ISSN 1748–8958; Vol: 6(1): 39–62 DOI: 10. 1177/1748895806060666 A desistance paradigm for offender management FERGUS McNEILL Universities of Glasgow and Strathclyde, UK Abstract In an in? uential article published in the British Journal of Social Work in 1979, Anthony Bottoms and Bill McWilliams proposed the adoption of a ‘non-treatment paradigm’ for probation practice.Their argument rested on a careful and considered analysis not only of empirical evidence about the ineffectiveness of rehabilitative treatment but also of theoretical, moral and philosophical questions about such interventions. By 1994, emerging evidence about the potential effectiveness of some intervention programmes was suf? cient to lead Peter Raynor and Maurice Vanstone to suggest signi? cant revisions to the ‘non-treatme nt paradigm’.In this article, it is argued that a different but equally relevant form of empirical evidence—that derived from desistance studies—suggests a need to re-evaluate these earlier paradigms for probation practice. This reevaluation is also required by the way that such studies enable us to understand and theorize both desistance itself and the role that penal professionals might play in supporting it.Ultimately, these empirical and theoretical insights drive us back to the complex interfaces between technical and moral questions that preoccupied Bottoms and McWilliams and that should feature more prominently in contemporary debates about the futures of ‘offender management’ and of our penal systems. Key Words desistance †¢ effectiveness †¢ ethics †¢ offender management †¢ nontreatment paradigm †¢ probation 39 40 Criminology & Criminal Justice 6(1) IntroductionCritical analysts of the history of ideas in the probati on service have charted the various reconstructions of probation practice that have accompanied changes in penal theories, policies and sensibilities. Most famously, McWilliams (1983, 1985, 1986, 1987) described the transformations of probation from a missionary endeavour that aimed to save souls, to a professionalized endeavour that aimed to ‘cure’ offending through rehabilitative treatment, to a pragmatic endeavour that aimed to provide alternatives to custody and practical help for offenders (see also Vanstone, 2004).More recent commentators have suggested later transformations of probation practice related ? rst to its recasting, in England and Wales, as ‘punishment in the community’ and then to its increasing focus on risk management and public protection (Robinson and McNeill, 2004). In each of these eras of probation history, practitioners, academics and other commentators have sought to articulate new paradigms for probation practice. Though much of the debate about the merits of these paradigms has focused on empirical questions about the ef? acy of different approaches to the treatment and management of offenders, probation paradigms also re? ect, implicitly or explicitly, developments both in the philosophy and in the sociology of punishment. The origins of this article are similar in that the initial impetus for the development of a desistance paradigm for ‘offender management’1 emerged from reviews of desistance research (McNeill, 2003) and, more speci? cally, from the ? ndings of some particularly important recent studies (Burnett, 1992; Rex, 1999; Maruna, 2001; Farrall, 2002).However, closer examination of some aspects of the desistance research also suggests a normative case for a new paradigm; indeed, some of the empirical evidence seems to make a necessity out of certain ‘practice virtues’. That these virtues are arguably in decline as a result of the fore-fronting of risk and public protect ion in contemporary criminal justice serves to make the development of the case for a desistance paradigm both timely and necessary. To that end, the structure of this article is as follows.It begins with summaries of two important paradigms for probation practice—the ‘nontreatment paradigm’ (Bottoms and McWilliams, 1979) and the ‘revised paradigm’ (Raynor and Vanstone, 1994). The article then proceeds with an analysis of the emerging theoretical and empirical case for a desistance paradigm. This section draws not only on the ? ndings of desistance studies but also on recent studies of the effectiveness of different approaches to securing ‘personal change’ in general and on recent developments in the ‘what works’ literature in particular.The ethical case for a desistance paradigm is then advanced not only in the light of the empirical evidence about the practical necessity of certain modes of ethical practice, but also in th e light of developments in the philosophy of punishment, most notably the ideas associated with the work of the ‘new rehabilitationists’ (Lewis, 2005) and with Anthony Duff’s ‘penal communications’ theory (Duff, McNeill—A desistance paradigm for offender management 2001, 2003).In the concluding discussion, I try to sketch out some of the parameters of a desistance paradigm, though this is intended more as an attempt to stimulate debate about its development rather than to de? ne categorically its features. 41 Changing paradigms for probation practice Writing at the end of the 1970s, Bottoms and McWilliams declared the need for a new paradigm for probation practice, a paradigm that ‘is theoretically rigorous, which takes very seriously the limitations of the treatment model; but which seeks to redirect the probation service’s traditional aims and values in the new penal and social context’ (1979: 167).Bottoms and McWilliams proposed their paradigm against the backdrop of a prevailing view that treatment had been discredited both empirically and ethically. Though they did not review the empirical case in any great detail, they refer to several studies (Lipton et al. , 1975; Brody, 1976; Greenberg, 1976) as establishing the broad conclusion that ‘dramatic reformative results are hard to discover and are usually absent’ (Bottoms and McWilliams, 1979: 160). They also stressed the theoretical inadequacies of the treatment model, noting several ? aws in the analogy between probation interventions and medical treatment; ? st, crime is voluntary whereas most diseases are not; second, crime is not pathological in any straightforward sense; and third, individual treatment models neglect the social causes of crime. Worse still, neglect of these ? aws produced ethical problems; they argued that over-con? dence in the prospects for effecting change through treatment had permitted its advocates both to coerce offenders into interventions (because the treatment provider was an expert who knew best) and to ignore offenders’ views of their own situations (because offenders were victims of their own lack of insight).Perhaps most insidiously of all, within this ideology coerced treatment could be justi? ed in offenders’ own best interests. Bottoms and McWilliams also discerned an important ‘implicit con? ict between the determinism implied in diagnosis and treatment and the frequently stressed casework principle of client selfdetermination’ (1979: 166). How can offenders be simultaneously the objects on whom psychological, physical and social forces operate (as the term diagnosis implies) and the authors of their own futures (as the principle of self-determination requires)?Bottoms and McWilliams’ hope was that by exposing the weaknesses of the treatment paradigm, they would allow for a renaissance of the probation service’s traditional core val ues of hope and respect for persons. They suggested that the four primary aims of the service ‘are and have been: 1 2 3 4 The provision of appropriate help for offenders The statutory supervision of offenders Diverting appropriate offenders from custodial sentences The reduction of crime’ (1979: 168). 42 Criminology & Criminal Justice 6(1) It is their discussion of the ? rst and second of these objectives that is most relevant to the discussion here.However, it is worth noting ? rst that, for Bottoms and McWilliams, the problem with the treatment model was that it assumed that the fourth objective must be achieved through the pursuit of the ? rst three; an assumption that they suggested could not be sustained empirically. 2 With regard to the provision of help as opposed to treatment, Bottoms and McWilliams rejected the ‘objecti? cation’ of offenders implied in the ‘casework relationship’, wherein the offender becomes an object to be treated, c ured or managed in and through social policy and professional practice. One consequence of this objecti? ation, they suggested, is that the formulation of treatment plans rests with the expert; the approach is essentially ‘of? cer-centred’. Bottoms and McWilliams (1979: 173) suggested, by way of contrast, that in the non-treatment paradigm: (a) Treatment (b) Diagnosis (c) Client’s Dependent Need as the basis for social work action becomes becomes becomes Help Shared Assessment Collaboratively De? ned Task as the basis for social work action In this formulation, ‘help’ includes but is not limited to material help; probation may continue to address emotional or psychological dif? ulties, but this is no longer its raison d’etre. Critically, the test of any proposed intervention technique is that it must help the client. Bottoms and McWilliams (1979: 174) explicitly disavowed any claim that the help model would be bene? cial in the reduction of cr ime. 3 Having reconceived of probation practice as help rather than treatment, Bottoms and McWilliams’ discussion of probation’s second aim, the statutory supervision of offenders, explored the implicit tensions between help and surveillance.Accepting that probation of? cers are ‘law enforcement’ agents as well as helpers, they drew on an article by Raynor (1978) that argued for a crucial distinction between coercion and constraint; ‘choice under constraint is morally acceptable; manipulative coercion is not’ (Bottoms and McWilliams, 1979: 177). Following Raynor, they suggested that making this distinction meaningful required probation of? cers actively to seek, within the constraints of the probation order, to maximize the area of choice for the offender.Their paradigm therefore invoked a distinction between the compulsory requirements imposed by the court (with the offender’s constrained consent) and the substantive content of the hel ping process. In the latter connection, the ‘client’ should be free to choose to accept or reject help without fear of further sanctions. Put another way, the authority for supervision derives from the court but the authority for help resides in the offender. For Bottoms and McWilliams this required that the (then) legal requirement of consent by defendants to probation and community ervice should be taken much more seriously; indeed, they suggested that so as to avoid compulsory help McNeill—A desistance paradigm for offender management arising from a probation recommendation, defendants’ consent to such recommendations should be required. Where consent was absent, no such recommendation should be made. Fifteen years later, Peter Raynor and Maurice Vanstone (1994) argued that the non-treatment paradigm—a paradigm that they clearly regarded as being well worthy of the in? uence that it had exercised in the intervening years—was none the less in need of revision.The resurgence of optimism about the potential effectiveness of some forms of ‘treatment’ led Raynor and Vanstone to argue that the foundations of the non-treatment paradigm, ‘built as they were out of a mixture of doubt and scepticism about the crime-reducing potential of rehabilitation, have produced cracks in the structure’ (1994: 396): By uncoupling ‘helping offenders’ from ‘crime reduction’, the paradigm is prevented from exploring whether work with individuals on their thinking, behaviour and attitudes has any relevance to crime reduction. Current knowledge of research into effectiveness necessitates, therefore, a rede? ing of the concept of appropriate help in a way that retains the principle of collaboration, and the stress on client needs, but which incorporates informed practice focused on in? uencing and helping individuals to stop offending . . . This should not detract from the need to address the s ocial and economic context of crime. (Raynor and Vanstone, 1994: 398) 43 It is clear that Raynor and Vanstone (1994) were not advocating a return to a treatment paradigm; rather, in their discussion of intervention ‘programmes’, they explicitly rejected Bottoms and McWilliams’ dichotomization of treatment and help.More speci? cally, Raynor and Vanstone questioned the assumption that critiques of psychodynamic approaches as ‘involving disguised coercion, denial of clients’ views, the objecti? cation of people, and a demonstrable lack of effectiveness when applied to offenders’ (1994: 399) could be equally applied to all forms of treatment. This false assumption, they argued, led Bottoms and McWilliams to ‘ignore other possible bases for intervention outside the â€Å"medical model† and encouraged the reader to identify all attempts to in? uence offenders as ethically objectionable treatment’ (Raynor and Vanstone, 1994: 400). A further crucial problem with the ‘non-treatment paradigm’ rested in its neglect of victims. The arguments of left realist criminologists (Young, 1988) persuaded Raynor and Vanstone (1994) that the traditional probation value of ‘respect for persons’ had to include the actual and potential victims of crime. This in turn implied that the extent to which client (that is, offender) choice could be respected and unconditional help could be offered had some necessary limitations; essentially, probation had to accept an obligation to work to reduce the harms caused by crime, as well as the ills that provoke it.Thus: Compensatory help and empowerment of offenders are a proper response to situations where individuals have had few opportunities to avoid crime, but 44 Criminology & Criminal Justice 6(1) their purpose is not simply to widen offenders’ choices: it includes doing so in a manner consistent with a wider goal of crime reduction. Such a goal is not simply in the interests of the powerful: although criminal justice in an unequal society re? ects and is distorted by its inequalities, the least powerful suffer some of the most common kinds of crime and are most in need of protection from it. This includes, of course, many offenders who are themselves victims of crime . . . ) (Raynor and Vanstone, 1994: 401) Raynor and Vanstone (1994: 402) concluded by adapting Bottoms and McWilliams’ (1979) schematic summary of their paradigm: (a) Help becomes Help consistent with a commitment to the reduction of harm Explicit dialogue and negotiation offering opportunities for informed consent to involvement in a process of change Collaboratively de? ned task relevant to criminogenic needs, and potentially effective in meeting them b) Shared assessment becomes (c) Collaboratively de? ned task becomes In terms of both organizational change and practice development, the 10 years that followed the publication of Raynor and Vanstone’s (1994) article have been even more tumultuous than the years between the publication of the non-treatment paradigm and its revision. It is beyond the scope of this article to give an account of these changes (see Nellis, 1999; Raynor and Vanstone, 2002; Mair, 2004; Robinson and McNeill, 2004).Indeed, since the purpose of this article is to consider how the practice of offender management should be reconstructed in the light of the desistance research, there is some merit in ignoring how it has been reconstructed for more political and pragmatic reasons. That said, two particular developments require comment. The ? rst relates to changes in formulations of the purposes of probation since the publication of the earlier paradigms.Without entering into the ongoing debates about the recasting of probation’s purposes south of the border (see Robinson and McNeill, 2004; Worrall and Hoy, 2005), it is suf? cient to state that, in contrast to the four aims outlined by Bottoms and McWil liams—aims which were still uncontested by Raynor and Vanstone in 1994—the new National Offender Management Service, incorporating prisons and probation, exists to manage offenders and in so doing to provide a service to the ‘law-abiding’ public. Its objectives are to punish offenders and to reduce re-offending (Blunkett, 2004: 10).The second development concerns the application of a particular approach to developing effective probation practice in England and Wales in McNeill—A desistance paradigm for offender management the form of the ‘what works’ initiative (McNeill, 2001, 2004a). In effect, this initiative involves the imposition from the centre of an implicit ‘what works’ paradigm for probation practice. Once again the debates about the characteristics, implications and ? aws of this paradigm are complex (see Mair, 2004). Perhaps he easiest way to summarize the paradigm however, is to suggest a further revision to Ray nor and Vanstone’s (1994) adaptation of Bottoms and McWilliams’ (1979) schematic summary: (a) Help consistent with a commitment to the reduction of harm (b) Explicit dialogue and negotiation offering opportunities for informed consent to involvement in a process of change (c) Collaboratively de? ned task relevant to criminogenic needs, and potentially effective in meeting them becomes Intervention required to reduce reoffending and protect the public Professional assessment of risk and need governed by the application of structured assessment instruments 5 becomes becomes Compulsory engagement in structured programmes and case management processes to address criminogenic needs – as required elements of legal orders imposed irrespective of consent Theoretical and empirical arguments for a desistance paradigm4 A fundamental but perhaps inevitable problem with the non-treatment paradigm, the revised paradigm and the ‘what works’ paradigm is that they b egin in the wrong place; that is, they begin by thinking about how practice (whether ‘treatment’, ‘help’ or ‘programmes’) should be constructed without ? rst thinking about how change should be understood.For Bottoms and McWilliams (1979) this omission makes some sense, since their premise was that the prospects for practice securing individual change were bleak. However, for Raynor and Vanstone (1994) and for the prevailing ‘what works’ paradigm, the problem is more serious; given their reasonable optimism about the prospects for individual rehabilitation, the absence of a well-developed theory of how rehabilitation occurs is more problematic. 5 Understanding desistance The change process involved in the rehabilitation of offenders is desistance from offending.The muted impact that desistance research has had on policy and practice hitherto is both surprising and problematic because 46 Criminology & Criminal Justice 6(1) knowledge about processes of desistance is clearly critical to our understandings of how and why ex-offenders come to change their behaviours. Indeed, building an understanding of the human processes and social contexts in and through which desistance occurs is a necessary precursor to developing practice paradigms; put another way, constructions of practice should be embedded in understandings of desistance.The implications of such embedding are signi? cant and far-reaching. Maruna et al. (2004) draw a parallel with a related shift in the ? eld of addictions away from the notion of treatment and towards the idea of recovery, quoting an in? uential essay by William White (2000): Treatment was birthed as an adjunct to recovery, but, as treatment grew in size and status, it de? ned recovery as an adjunct of itself. The original perspective needs to be recaptured. Treatment institutions need to once again become servants of the larger recovery process and the community in which that recovery is nested and sustained . . (White, 2000, cited in Maruna et al. , 2004: 9) Although the language of recovery may be inappropriate in relation to offenders, given both that it implies a medical model and that it suggests a prior state of well-being that may never have existed for many, the analogy is telling none the less. Put simply, the implication is that offender management services need to think of themselves less as providers of correctional treatment (that belongs to the expert) and more as supporters of desistance processes (that belong to the desister).In some respects, this shift in perspective, by re-emphasizing the offender’s viewpoint, might re-invigorate the non-treatment paradigm’s rejection of the objecti? cation of the ‘client’ and of the elevation of the ‘therapist’. However, it does so not by rejecting ‘treatment’ per se, but by seeing professional intervention as being, in some sense, subservient to a wider proce ss that belongs to the desister. Before proceeding further, more needs to be said about how processes of desistance should be understood and theorized.Maruna (2001) identi? es three broad theoretical perspectives in the desistance literature: maturational reform, social bonds theory and narrative theory. Maturational reform (or ‘ontogenic’) theories have the longest history and are based on the established links between age and certain criminal behaviours, particularly street crime. Social bonds (or ‘sociogenic’) theories suggest that ties to family, employment or educational programmes in early adulthood explain changes in criminal behaviour across the life course.Where these ties exist, they create a stake in conformity, a reason to ‘go straight’. Where they are absent, people who offend have less to lose from continuing to offend. Narrative theories have emerged from more qualitative research which stresses the signi? cance of subjective cha nges in the person’s sense of self and identity, re? ected in changing motivations, greater concern for others and more consideration of the future. Bringing these perspectives together, Farrall stresses the signi? cance of theMcNeill—A desistance paradigm for offender management relationships between ‘objective’ changes in the offender’s life and his or her ‘subjective’ assessment of the value or signi? cance of these changes: . . . the desistance literature has pointed to a range of factors associated with the ending of active involvement in offending. Most of these factors are related to acquiring ‘something’ (most commonly employment, a life partner or a family) which the desister values in some way and which initiates a reevaluation of his or her own life . . (Farrall, 2002: 11) 47 Thus, desistance resides somewhere in the interfaces between developing personal maturity, changing social bonds associated with certain li fe transitions, and the individual subjective narrative constructions which offenders build around these key events and changes. It is not just the events and changes that matter; it is what these events and changes mean to the people involved. Clearly this understanding implies that desistance itself is not an event (like being cured of a disease) but a process.Desistance is necessarily about ceasing offending and then refraining from further offending over an extended period (for more detailed discussions see Maruna, 2001; Farrall, 2002; Maruna and Farrall, 2004). Maruna and Farrall (2004) suggest that it is helpful to distinguish primary desistance (the achievement of an offence-free period) from secondary desistance (an underlying change in self-identity wherein the ex-offender labels him or herself as such). Although Bottoms et al. 2004) have raised some doubts about the value of this distinction on the grounds that it may exaggerate the importance of cognitive changes which ne ed not always accompany desistance, it does seem likely that where offender managers are dealing with (formerly) persistent offenders, the distinction may be useful; indeed, in those kinds of cases their role might be constructed as prompting, supporting and sustaining secondary desistance wherever this is possible.Moreover, further empirical support for the notion of secondary desistance (and its usefulness) might be found in Burnett’s (1992) study of efforts to desist among 130 adult property offenders released from custody. Burnett noted that while eight out of ten, when interviewed pre-release, wanted to ‘go straight’; six out of ten subsequently reported re-offending post-release. For many, the intention to be law-abiding was provisional in the sense that it did not represent a con? dent prediction; only one in four reported that they would de? itely be able to desist. Importantly, Burnett discovered that those who were most con? dent and optimistic about de sisting had greatest success in doing so. For the others, the ‘provisional nature of intentions re? ected social dif? culties and personal problems that the men faced’ (Burnett, 2000: 14). That this implies the need for intentions to desist to be grounded in changes of identity is perhaps supported by Burnett’s ? ndings about different types of desisters. She discerned three 48Criminology & Criminal Justice 6(1) categories: ‘non-starters’ who adamantly denied that they were ‘real criminals’ and, in fact, had fewer previous convictions than the others; ‘avoiders’, for whom keeping out of prison was the key issue; and ‘converts’ who appeared to have decided that the costs of crime outweighed the bene? ts. Indeed, the converts were: the most resolute and certain among the desisters. They had found new interests that were all-preoccupying and overturned their value system: a partner, a child, a good job, a new vocat ion.These were attainments that they were not prepared to jeopardize or which over-rode any interest in or need for property crime. (Burnett, 2000: 14) Although Burnett notes that, for most of the men involved in her study, processes of desistance were characterized by ambivalence and vacillation, the over-turning of value systems and all pre-occupying new interests that characterized the ‘converts’ seem to imply the kind of identity changes invoked in the notion of secondary desistance.Maruna’s (2001) study offers a particularly important contribution to understanding secondary desistance by exploring the subjective dimensions of change. Maruna compared the narrative ‘scripts’ of 20 persisters and 30 desisters who shared similar criminogenic traits and backgrounds and who lived in similarly criminogenic environments. In the ‘condemnation script’ that emerged from the persisters, ‘The condemned person is the narrator (although he o r she reserves plenty of blame for society as well). Active offenders . . . argely saw their life scripts as having been written for them a long time ago’ (Maruna, 2001: 75). By contrast, the accounts of the desisters revealed a different narrative: The redemption script begins by establishing the goodness and conventionality of the narrator—a victim of society who gets involved with crime and drugs to achieve some sort of power over otherwise bleak circumstances. This deviance eventually becomes its own trap, however, as the narrator becomes ensnared in the vicious cycle of crime and imprisonment.Yet, with the help of some outside force, someone who ‘believed in’ the ex-offender, the narrator is able to accomplish what he or she was ‘always meant to do’. Newly empowered, he or she now seeks to ‘give something back’ to society as a display of gratitude. (Maruna, 2001: 87) The desisters and the persisters shared the same sense of f atalism in their accounts of the development of their criminal careers; however, Maruna reads the minimization of responsibility implied by this fatalism as evidence of the conventionality of their values and aspirations and of their need to believe in the essential goodness of the ‘real me’.Moreover, in their accounts of achieving change there is evidence that desisters have to ‘discover’ agency in order to resist and overcome the criminogenic structural pressures that play upon them. This discovery of agency seems to McNeill—A desistance paradigm for offender management relate to the role of signi? cant others in envisioning an alternative identity and an alternative future for the offender even through periods when they cannot see these possibilities for themselves.Typically later in the process of change, involvement in ‘generative activities’ (which usually make a contribution to the well-being of others) plays a part in testifying to the desister that an alternative ‘agentic’ identity is being or has been forged. Intriguingly, the process of discovering agency, on one level at least, sheds interesting light on the apparent theoretical inconsistency that Bottoms and McWilliams (1979) inferred from the treatment paradigm; that is, an inconsistency between its deterministic analysis of the causes of criminality and its focus on self-determination in the treatment process.Arguably what Maruna (2001) has revealed is the role of re? exivity in both revealing and producing shifts in the dynamic relationships between agency and structure (see also Farrall and Bowling, 1999). Supporting desistance The implications for practice of this developing evidence base have begun to be explored in a small number of research studies that have focused on the role that probation may play in supporting desistance (for example Rex, 1999; Farrall, 2002; McCulloch, 2005). In one study of ‘assisted desistance’ , Rex (1999) explored the experiences of 60 probationers.She found that those who attributed changes in their behaviour to probation supervision described it as active and participatory. Probationers’ commitments to desist appeared to be generated by the personal and professional commitment shown by their probation of? cers, whose reasonableness, fairness and encouragement seemed to engender a sense of personal loyalty and accountability. Probationers interpreted advice about their behaviours and underlying problems as evidence of concern for them as people, and ‘were motivated by what they saw as a display of interest in their wellbeing’ (Rex, 1999: 375).Such evidence resonates with other arguments about the pivotal role that relationships play in effective interventions (Barry, 2000; Burnett, 2004; Burnett and McNeill, 2005; McNeill et al. , 2005). If secondary desistance (for those involved in persistent offending at least) requires a narrative reconstruction of identity, then it seems obvious why the relational aspects of practice are so signi? cant. Who would risk engaging in such a precarious and threatening venture without the reassurance of sustained and compassionate support from a trusted source?However, workers and working relationships are neither the only nor the most important resources in promoting desistance. Related studies of young people in trouble suggest that their own resources and social networks are often better at resolving their dif? culties than professional staff (Hill, 1999). The potential of social networks is highlighted by ‘resilience perspectives’, which, in contrast with approaches that dwell on risks and/or needs, consider the ‘protective factors and processes’ involved in positive adaptation in spite of adversity.In terms of practice with young 49 50 Criminology & Criminal Justice 6(1) people, such perspectives entail an emphasis on the recognition, exploitation and development o f their competences, resources, skills and assets (Schoon and Bynner, 2003). In similar vein, but in relation to re-entry of ex-prisoners to society, Maruna and LeBel (2003) have made a convincing case for the development of strengths-based (rather than needs-based or risk-based) narratives and approaches.Drawing on both psychological and criminological evidence, they argue that such approaches would be likely both to enhance compliance with parole conditions and to encourage exprisoners to achieve ‘earned redemption’ (Bazemore, 1999) by focusing on the positive contributions through which they might make good to their communities. Thus promoting desistance also means striving to develop the offender’s strengths—at both an individual and a social network level—in order to build and sustain the momentum for change.In looking towards these personal and social contexts of desistance, the most recent and perhaps most wide-scale study of probation and de sistance is particularly pertinent to the development of a desistance paradigm. Farrall (2002) explored the progress or lack of progress towards desistance achieved by a group of 199 probationers. Though over half of the sample evidenced progress towards desistance, Farrall found that desistance could be attributed to speci? c interventions by the probation of? cer in only a few cases, although help with ? ding work and mending damaged family relationships appeared particularly important. Desistance seemed to relate more clearly to the probationers’ motivations and to the social and personal contexts in which various obstacles to desistance were addressed. Farrall (2002) goes on to argue that interventions must pay greater heed to the community, social and personal contexts in which they are situated (see also McCulloch, 2005). After all, ‘social circumstances and relationships with others are both the object of the intervention and the medium through which . . . change can be achieved’ (Farrall, 2002: 212, emphases added).Necessarily, this requires that interventions be focused not solely on the individual person and his or her perceived ‘de? cits’. As Farrall (2002) notes, the problem with such interventions is that while they can build human capital, for example, in terms of enhanced cognitive skills or improved employability, they cannot generate the social capital that resides in the relationships through which we achieve participation and inclusion in society. 6 Vitally, it is social capital that is necessary to encourage desistance. It is not enough to build capacities for change where change depends on opportunities to exercise capacities: ‘. . the process of desistance is one that is produced through an interplay between individual choices, and a range of wider social forces, institutional and societal practices which are beyond the control of the individual’ (Farrall and Bowling, 1999: 261). Barry’ s (2004) recent study provides another key reference point for exploring how themes of capital, agency, identity and transition play out speci? cally for younger people desisting from offending. Through in-depth interviews with 20 young women and 20 young men, Barry explored why they started and stopped offending and what in? enced or inhibited them McNeill—A desistance paradigm for offender management in that behaviour as they grew older. The young people revealed that their decisions about offending and desisting were related to their need to feel included in their social world, through friendships in childhood and through wider commitments in adulthood. The resolve displayed by the young people in desisting from offending seemed remarkable to Barry, particularly given that they were from disadvantaged backgrounds and were limited in their access to mainstream pportunities (employment, housing and social status) both because of their age and because of their social class. B arry recognizes crucially that: Because of their transitional situation, many young people lack the status and opportunities of full citizens and thus have limited capacity for social recognition in terms of durable and legitimate means of both accumulating and expending capital through taking on responsibility and generativity . . .Accumulation of capital requires, to a certain extent, both responsibilities and access to opportunities; however, children and young people rarely have such opportunities because of their status as ‘liminal entities’ (Turner, 1969), not least those from a working class background. (2004: 328–9) 51 It is interesting to note that similar messages about the signi? cance both of the relational and of the social contexts of desistance have emerged recently from ‘treatment’ research itself.Ten years on from McGuire and Priestley’s (1995) original statement of ‘what works’, these neglected aspects of practic e have re-emerged in revisions to and re? nements of the principles of effective practice. One authoritative recent review, for example, highlights the increasing attention that is being paid to the need for staff to use interpersonal skills, to exercise some discretion in their interventions, to take diversity among participants into account and to look at how the broader service context can best support effective practice (Raynor, 2004: 201).Raynor notes that neglect of these factors may account for some of the dif? culties experienced in England and Wales, for example, in translating the successes of demonstration projects to general practice. He suggests that the preoccupation with group programmes arises from their more standardized application, which, in turn, allows for more systematic evaluation than the complex and varied nature of individual practice. However, this pre-occupation (with programmes), ironically perhaps, is undermined by the literature on treatment effectiven ess in psychotherapy and counselling; arguably the parent discipline of ‘what works’.Here, the evidence suggests that the most crucial variables of all in determining treatment outcomes—chance factors, external factors and ‘client’ factors— relate to the personal and social contexts of interventions rather than to their contents (Asay and Lambert, 1999). Moreover, in terms of those variables which the therapist can in? uence, it is a recurring ? nding that no method of intervention is any more effective than the rest, and, instead, that there are common aspects of each intervention that are responsible for bringing about change (see Hubble et al. , 1999; Bozarth, 2000). These 52Criminology & Criminal Justice 6(1) ‘core conditions’ for effectiveness—empathy and genuineness; the establishment of a working alliance; and using person-centred, collaborative and ‘client-driven’ approaches—are perhaps familiar to probation staff, but not from earlier reviews of ‘what works? ’. 7 With regard to the probation paradigms reviewed earlier, these ? ndings are particularly signi? cant because, despite the disciplinary location and positivist approaches of these studies, the forms of treatment that they commend seem to be some way removed from those criticized by Bottoms and McWilliams (1979).Indeed, the notion of therapeutic or working alliance implies, as Bottoms and McWilliams (1979) advocated, that the worker and client share agreement on overall goals, agreement on the tasks that will lead to achievement of these goals and a bond of mutual respect and trust (Bordin, 1979). This seems explicitly to preclude the kind of attitudes and practices that Bottoms and McWilliams (1979) associated with treatment and that arguably characterize the prevailing ‘what works’ paradigm (McNeill, 2004b). Ethical arguments for a desistance paradigmLeaving aside these emerging empirical ? ndings and theoretical issues, desistance research has some clear ethical implications for the practice of offender management. The ? rst of these implications is perhaps already obvious. Rex’s (1999) research, reviewed in the context both of Maruna’s (2001) account of narrative reconstruction and of the evidence from psychotherapy research about the critical signi? cance of certain core conditions for treatment, points to the importance of developing penal practices that express certain practical virtues.Virtue-based approaches to ethics have experienced something of a resurgence in recent years (Pence, 1991), suggesting a shift in moral thinking from the question ‘what ought I to do? ’ to the question ‘what sort of person should I be? ’ In this context, one of the merits of desistance research is that by asking offenders about their experiences both of attempting desistance and of supervision, progress is made towards answering the questi on that a would-be ‘virtuous’ offender manager might ask: What sort of practitioner should I be?The virtues featured in responses from desisters might include optimism, hopefulness, patience, persistence, fairness, respectfulness, trustworthiness, loyalty, wisdom, compassion, ? exibility and sensitivity (to difference), for example. The practical import of the expression of these virtues is suggested by recent discussions of the enforcement of community penalties, which have emerged particularly (but not exclusively) where community penalties have been recast as ‘punishment in the community’. This recasting of purpose has increased the need for effective enforcement in order that courts regard community penalties as credible disposals.Though the language of ‘enforcement’ implies an emphasis on ensuring the meaningfulness and inevitability of sanctions in the event of non-compliance, Bottoms (2001) has argued convincingly that attempts to encour age or require compliance in McNeill—A desistance paradigm for offender management the criminal justice system must creatively mix habitual mechanisms, constraint-based mechanisms, instrumental mechanisms and normative mechanisms (related to beliefs, attachments and perceptions of legitimacy).What seems clear from the desistance research is that, through the establishment of effective relationships, the worker’s role in supporting compliance is likely to be particularly crucial to the development of these normative mechanisms. It is only within relationships that model the kinds of virtues described above that the formal authority conferred on the worker by the court is likely to be rendered legitimate in the mind of the offender. Just as perceptions of legitimacy play a key role in encouraging compliance with prison regimes (Sparks et al. 1996), so in the community legitimacy is likely to be a crucial factor both in preventing breach by persuading offenders to comply with the order and, perhaps, in preventing recidivism by persuading offenders to comply with the law. This notion of moral persuasion (and modelling) as a role for offender managers resonates with some aspects of Anthony Duff’s penal communications theory (Duff, 2001, 2003). Duff (2003) has argued that probation can and should be considered a mode of punishment; indeed he argues that it could be the model punishment.However, the notion of punishment that he advances is not ‘merely punitive’; that is, it is not concerned simply with the in? iction of pain as a form of retribution. Rather it is a form of ‘constructive punishment’ that in? icts pain only in so far as this is an inevitable (and intended) consequence of ‘bringing offenders to face up to the effects and implications of their crimes, to rehabilitate them and to secure . . . reparation and reconciliation’ (Duff, 2003: 181). The pains involved are akin to the unavoidable pains of repentance.For Duff, this implies a role for probation staff as mediators between offenders, victims and the wider community. Though developing the connections between Duff’s theory and desistance research is beyond the scope of this article, Maruna’s (2001) study underlines the signi? cance for desisters of the ‘redemption’ that is often achieved through engagement in ‘generative activities’ which help to make sense of a damaged past by using it to protect the future interests of others. It seems signi? ant that this ‘buying back’ is productive rather than destructive; that is, the right to be rehabilitated is not the product of experiencing the pains of ‘merely punitive’ punishment, rather it is the result of evidencing repentance and change by ‘making good’. In working to support the reconstruction of identity involved in desistance, this seems to underline the relevance of the redemptive opportunitie s that both community penalties and restorative justice approaches might offer.No less obvious, by contrast, are the futility and counter-productiveness of penal measures that label, that exclude and that segregate and co-locate offenders as offenders. Such measures seem designed to con? rm and cement ‘condemnation scripts’ and thus to frustrate desistance. However, as well as highlighting the importance of encouraging and supporting offenders in the painful process of making good, the desistance 53 54 Criminology & Criminal Justice 6(1) research at least hints at the reciprocal need for society to make good to offenders.Just as both Bottoms and McWilliams (1979) and Raynor and Vanstone (1994) recognized the moral implications of accepting the role that social inequalities and injustices play in provoking offending behaviour, so Duff (2003) argues that the existence of social injustice creates moral problems for the punishing polity. The response must be ‘a genuin e and visible attempt to remedy the injustices and exclusion that they [that is, some offenders] have suffered’ (Duff, 2003: 194). Duff suggests that this implies that: the probation of? cer . . . ill now have to help the offender negotiate his relationship with the polity against which he has offended, but by whom he has been treated unjustly and disrespectfully: she must speak for the polity to the offender in terms that are censorious but also apologetic—terms that seek both to bring him to recognise the wrong he has done and to express an apologetic recognition of the injustice he has suffered: and she must speak to the polity for the offender, explaining what is due to him as well as what is due for him. (2003: 194, emphasis added)Thus the help and practical support advocated in the non-treatment paradigm can now be re-legitimated both empirically, in terms of the need to build social capital in supporting desistance, and normatively (even within a punishment disc ourse) as a prerequisite for making punishment both intelligible and just for offenders. Recognition of interactions between, on the one hand, exclusion and inequalities and, on the other, crime and justice, also lies behind some of the arguments for rehabilitative approaches to punishment. Such arguments tend to lead to rights-based rather than utilitarian versions of rehabilitation.For McWilliams and Pease (1990), rights-based rehabilitation serves a moral purpose on behalf of society in limiting punishment and preventing exclusion by working to re-establish the rights and the social standing of the offender. By contrast, Garland (1997) describes how, in late-modern penality, a more instrumental version of rehabilitation has emerged in which the offender need not (perhaps cannot) be respected as an end in himself or herself; he or she has become the means to another end. He or she is not, in a sense, the subject of the court order, but its object.In this version, rehabilitation is not an over-riding purpose, it is a subordinate means. It is offence-centred rather than offender-centred; it targets criminogenic need rather than social need. The problem with this version of rehabilitation, however, is that it runs all the same moral risks that led Bottoms and McWilliams (1979) to reject treatment; it permits, in theory at least, all of the same injustices, violations of human rights and disproportionate intrusions that concerned, for example, the American Friends Services Committee in 1971, and led ultimately to the emergence of ‘just deserts’ (von Hirsch, 1976; Home Of? e, 1990). Indeed, in England and Wales, the current situation is worse in one respect: McNeill—A desistance paradigm for offender management the removal of the need for offenders’ consent to the imposition of community penalties (under the Crime (Sentences) Act 1997), which made some sense in the context of the move towards seeing probation as a proportionate punishme nt, means that offenders can now be compelled to undertake ‘treatment’ in the form of accredited programmes.In a recent article, Lewis (2005) has drawn on the work of the ‘new rehabilitationists’ (Cullen and Gilbert, 1982; Rotman, 1990) to revive the case for a rights-based approach to rehabilitation; meaning one which is concerned with the reintegration of offenders into society as ‘useful human beings’. According to Lewis, the principles of the new rehabilitationists include commitment to, ? rst, the state’s duty to undertake rehabilitative work (for similar reasons to those outlined above); second, somehow setting limits on the intrusions of rehabilitation in terms of proportionality; third, maximizing voluntarism in the process; and, ? ally, using prison only as a measure of last resort because of its negative and damaging effects. In exploring the extent to which these principles are articulated and applied in current penal policy, she reaches the conclusion that ‘current rehabilitative efforts are window-dressing on an overly punitive â€Å"managerialist† system’ (Lewis, 2005: 119), though she retains some hope that practitioner-led initiatives at the local level might allow some prospect that these principles could be applied.The value of the desistance research may be that just as the evidence about ‘nothing works’ allowed Bottoms and McWilliams (1979) to make a theoretical and empirical case for more ethical practice, and the evidence that ‘something works’ enabled Raynor and Vanstone (1994) to revise that case, so the evidence from desistance studies, when combined with these constructive developments in the philosophy of punishment, might do a similar job in a different and arguably more destructive penal climate. 55 Conclusions: a desistance paradigmThis article has sought to follow the example offered by Bottoms and McWilliams (1979) and Raynor and Vanstone (1994) by trying to build both empirical and ethical cases for the development of a new paradigm for probation practice. In summary, I have suggested that desistance is the process that offender management exists to promote and support; that approaches to intervention should be embedded in understandings of desistance; and, that it is important to explore the connections between structure, agency, re? exivity and identity in desistance processes. Moreover, desistance-supporting interventions need to respect and foster agency and re? xivity; they need to be based on legitimate and respectful relationships; they need to focus on social capital (opportunities) as well as human capital (motivations and capacities); and they need to exploit strengths as well as addressing needs and risks. I have also suggested that desistance research highlights the relevance of certain ‘practice virtues’; that it requires a focus 56 Criminology & Criminal Justice 6(1) on the role of legiti macy in supporting normative mechanisms of compliance; that it is consonant in many respects with communicative approaches to punishment which cast probation of? ers (or offender managers) as mediators between offenders, victims and communities; and that it suggests a rights-based approach to rehabilitation which entails both that the offender makes good to society and that, where injustice has been suffered by the offender, society makes good to the offender. Like the authors of the earlier paradigms, I do not intend here to offer a detailed account of precisely how a desistance paradigm might operate in practice (for some initial suggestions see McNeill, 2003). That task is one that could be more fruitfully undertaken by those working in the ? ld, preferably in association with offenders themselves. However, in an attempt to suggest some direction for such development, Table 1 summarizes the contrasts between the constructions of practice implied by the nontreatment, revised, â₠¬Ëœwhat works’ and desistance paradigms. Unlike the earlier paradigms, the desistance paradigm forefronts processes of change rather than modes of intervention. Practice under the desistance paradigm would certainly accommodate intervention to meet needs, reduce risks and (especially) to develop and exploit strengths, but Table 1.Probation practice in four paradigms The non-treatment paradigm Treatment becomes help The revised paradigm Help consistent with a commitment to the reduction of harm A ‘what works’ paradigm Intervention required to reduce re-offending and protect the public A desistance paradigm Help in navigating towards desistance to reduce harm and make good to offenders and victims8 Explicit dialogue and negotiation assessing risks, needs, strengths and resources and offering opportunities to make good Collaboratively de? ed tasks which tackle risks, needs and obstacles to desistance by using and developing the offender’s human and social cap ital Diagnoses becomes shared assessment Explicit dialogue and negotiation offering opportunities for consensual change ‘Professional’ assessment of risk and need governed by structured assessment instruments Client’s dependent need as the basis for action becomes collaboratively de? ned task as the basis for action Collaboratively de? ed task relevant to criminogenic needs and potentially effective in meeting them Compulsory engagement in structured programmes and case management processes as required elements of legal orders imposed irrespective of consent McNeill—A desistance paradigm for offender management whatever these forms might be they would be subordinated to a more broadly conceived role in working out, on an individual basis, how the desistance process might best be prompted and supported.This would require the worker to act as an advocate providing a conduit to social capital as well as a ‘treatment’ provider building human capit al. Moreover, rather than being about the technical management of programmes and the disciplinary management of orders, as the current term ‘offender manager’ unhelpfully implies, the forms of engagement required by the paradigm would re-instate and place a high premium on collaboration and involvement in the process of co-designing interventions.Critically, such interventions would not be concerned solely with the prevention of further offending; they would be equally concerned with constructively addressing the harms caused by crime by encouraging offenders to make good through restorative processes and community service (in the broadest sense). But, as a morally and practically necessary corollary, they would be no less preoccupied with making good to offenders by enabling them to achieve inclusion and participation in society (and with it the progressive and positive reframing of their identities required to sustain desistance).Perhaps the most obvious problem that might be confronted by anyone seeking to envision further or even enact this paradigm, is that the communities on which its ultimate success would depend may lack the resources and the will to engage in supporting desistance, preferring to remain merely ‘punishing communities’ (Worrall and Hoy, 2005). This is, of course, an issue for any form of ‘offender management’ or reintegration.However, rather than letting it become an excuse for dismissing the paradigm, it should drive us to a recognition of the need for offender management agencies to re-engage with community education and community involvement and to seek ways and means, at the local level and at the national level, to challenge populist punitiveness (Bottoms, 1995) and to offer more progressive alternatives. 57 NotesI am very grateful to Steve Farrall and Richard Sparks for their hospitality in hosting the seminars through which this article was developed and to all of the contributors to the semi nars both for their helpful and encouraging comments on earlier versions and for the stimulation that their papers provided. I am also grateful to Monica Barry, Mike Nellis and Gwen Robinson for comments on the draft version of this article. Though I have grave reservations about the term ‘offender management’ (relating to its obvious inference that the offender is a problem to be managed rather than person to be assisted and that the task is technical rather than moral), I use it here, not just because of its contemporary relevance, but also because it refers both to community disposals and postprison resettlement. 8 Criminology & Criminal Justice 6(1) 2 Owing to their pessimism about the prospects for treatment delivering their fourth aim (the reduction of crime), Bottoms and McWilliams turned their attention to other crime reduction strategies and in particular to crime prevention. Their argument in this connection was essentially that because ‘crime is predomi nantly social . . . ny serious crime reduction strategy must be of a socially (rather than an individually) based character’ (Bottoms and McWilliams, 1979: 188). 3 That said, they allowed that: ‘there is, ironically, at least a tiny shred of research evidence to suggest that, after all, help may be more crime-reducing than treatment’ (Bottoms and McWilliams, 1979: 174). To support this claim they referred to two studies that presaged later desistance research; the ? st suggested that although intensive casework treatment had no apparent impact, changes in the post-institutional social situations of offenders (for example, getting married or securing a job) were associated with reductions in recidivism (Bottoms and McClintock, 1973); the second suggested that treatment did demonstrate lower reconviction rates where the ‘treatment’ involved primarily practical help which was given only if and when offenders asked for it (Bernsten and Christiansen, 1965 ). 4 This section of the article draws heavily on McNeill et al. (2005). 5 It may be that this gap in theory s in part the product of the incremental and quasi-experimental character of ‘what works’ research; indeed it might even be said that the ‘what works’ philosophy is anti-theoretical in that it is more preoccupied with identifying and replicating successes than in explaining and understanding them (Farrall, 2002). 6 Signi? cantly, Boeck et al. ’s (2004) emerging ? ndings suggest that bridging social capital in particular (which facilitates social mobility) seems to be limited among those young people in their study involved in offending, leaving them ill-equipped to navigate risk successfully. That said, some recent studies have begun to explore the contribution of particular practice skills to effectiveness. Raynor refers in particular to a recent article by Dowden and Andrews (2004) based on a meta-analysis examining the contribution of certa in key staff skills (which they term ‘core correctional practices’ or CCPs) to the effectiveness of interventions with offenders. 8 It is with some unease that I have merely mentioned but not developed arguments about the importance of making good to (and for) victims in this article.I am therefore grateful to Mike Nellis for highlighting the contingent relationships between offenders making good and making amends to victims. There is little empirical evidence that desistance requires making amends or making good to particular victims, although there are of course independent and compelling reasons why this matters in its own right. As Nellis suggests (personal communication, 18 August 2005), the case for making amends requires separate justi? cation. He further suggests that from the point of view of interventions with offenders, it may be important not so much as an enabling factor in desistance as a signifying factor.Drawing on this distinction, my own view is that a lthough making amends is neither necessary nor suf? cient for desistance to occur, it may be useful none the less in consigning the past to the past (for victims and offenders) and thus in entrenching redemption scripts (for offenders). McNeill—A desistance paradigm for offender management References American Friends Services Committee (1971) Struggle for Justice. New York: Hill & Wang. Asay, T. P. and M. J. Lambert (1999) ‘The Empirical Case for the Common Factors in Therapy: Quantitative Findings’, in M. A. Hubble, B. L. Duncan and S. D.Miller (eds) The Heart and Soul of Change: What Works in Therapy, pp. 33–56. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. 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